THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


\ 


POLITICS  AND  PROPERTY 

OR 

PHRONOCRACY 


A   COMPROMISE   BETWEEN 
DEMOCRACY   AND    PLUTOCRACY 


BY 


SLACK   WORTHINGTON 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

NEW    YORK  LONDON 

27   WEST  TWENTY-THIRD   ST.  27     KING    WII.I-IAM     ST.,   STRAND 

S^c  ^nklurbotlitr  Press 
1891 


Copyright,  1891 

BY 

SLACK    WORTHINGTON 


XEbe  ftniclierboclter  ipress,  mew  l^orft 

Electrotyped,  Printed,  and  Bound  by 
G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 


I    ) 


PREFACE. 


Discontent  and  strife,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  have 
always  existed  in  the  world  and  doubtless  always  will 
exist.  It  is  believed  by  many  that  the  higher  the  degree 
of  intellectual  development  in  mankind  as  a  class,  the 
greater  this  discontent,  for  the  reason  that  objectionable 
conditions  can  be  more  keenly  appreciated.  Notwith- 
standing this  ever-existing  unrest,  whether  aggravated  or 
assuaged  by  intellectual  development,  the  causes  which 
produce  it  are  as  essentially  a  part  of  the  great  whole, — 
of  the  earth  and  its  operations, — as  are  man's  members  a 
part  of  his  physical  being  ;  and  these  causes  can  never 
be  entirely  annulled,  hence  their  effects  must,  in  a 
measure,  always  exist. 

It  is  claimed  in  the  following  pages  that  poverty  can 
never  be  eradicated  from  society  any  more  effectually 
than  disease  can  be  absolutely  prevented  in  the  human 
body  ;  but  since  the  latter  can  be  relieved  by  the  proper 
application  of  scientific  remedies,  so  likewise  can  the 
former  be  ameliorated  by  the  timely  enactment  of  intel- 
ligent laws.  The  object  of  this  work  is  to  urge  strenuous 
opposition  to  both  plutocracy  on  the  one  hand,  and 
socialistic  tendencies  of  all  kinds  on  the  other,  and 
advocate  a  reasonable  middle  or  conservative  position 
between  the  two,  which  for  convenience  is  termed 
"  Phronocracy,"  which  signifies  the  rule  of  reason, 
prudence,  and  understanding. 

iii 


852604 


IV  PREFACE. 

Heretofore  writers  opposing  the  alarming  concentra- 
tion of  wealth  into  the  hands  of  the  few  have  urged 
against  these  accumulations  conditions  that  are  too  vio- 
lent, and  for  poverty  systems  of  relief  that  are  utterly 
impracticable. 

This  work  seeks  to  avoid  both  these  extremes  by 
acknowledging  that  the  property  rights  of  men  shall, 
to  a  reasonable  extent,  be  fully  recognized  and  sedu- 
lously protected,  but  that  the  masses  have  grievances 
that  must  not  be  ignored.  Nothing  is  proposed  that  is 
to  the  slightest  extent  visionary,  impracticable,  or  revo- 
lutionary, but,  on  the  contrary,  only  measures  are  recom- 
mended that  can  be  adopted  by  law  within  the  bounds  of 
prudence,  reason,  and  justice.  It  also  advocates  the 
curtailment  of  the  elective  franchise  by  the  only  proper 
and  feasible  manner  possible,  viz.  :  by  property  and 
educational  qualification. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAGB 

iMan  :  his  original  state  ;  his  advance  toward  civilization  ;  his 
acquisitiveness — Individual  property  :  man's  right  to  same 
— Government :  its  origin  and  progress — Popular  strife  and 
energy — Diversification  of  civilized  wants — Trade  and  ex- 
change :  compromise  between  wealth  and  poverty — Phro- 
nocracy  :   its  meaning  and  purpose        .....        I 

CHAPTER  II. 

Existing  social  conditions  objectionable — excessive  accumulations 
dangerous — Unearned  increment :  man's  right  to  same  in 
moderation — Free  trade  and  protection  :  America's  progress 
not  attributable  to  either — Timidity  of  tariff-reform  free- 
traders— The  Wall  policy  and  World  policy — The  American 
farmers'  illogical  position — Baneful  paternalism  .         .         .23 

CHAPTER  III. 

Necessity  for  relief  from  monopoly  —  Government  control  of 
monopolistic  enterprises:  objections  thereto  —  Inefficiency 
of  most  governmental  management — Governmental  control 
of  all  business — Greater  objection  tliereto  and  the  impracti- 
cability thereof — Differences  in  human  excellence  must  be 
recognized — Support  government  from  excessive  individual 
accumulations — Evil  effects  of  certain  restrictive  legislation 
— Socialistic  schools      ........      39 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Single  or  land  tax  considered  :  sincerity  of  its  advocates — "  The 
world  belongs  in  usufruct  to  the  people,"  correct  in  the 
abstract  —  Original  possession  :  how  acquired  —  Right  of 
original  possession — Land,  the  product  of  labor — Impracti- 


VI  CONTENTS. 


PAGB 


cability  of  "  uninterrupted  access  to  natural  opportunity" — 
Tax  to  full  rental  value  tantamount  to  confiscation,  and 
less  fails  of  the  object  sought— Not  justified  by  simplicity  ; 
generally  impracticable  and  void  of  good  effect — Relief 
only  secured  by  laws  oppressing  the  favored  and  favoring 
the  oppressed      .........     en 

CHAPTER  V. 

Phronocracy  :  what  is  it  ?— Other  efforts  at  reform  impracticable 
—  Cumulative  taxation  should  be  adopted — Monopolistic 
enterprises  must  be  popularly  owned— Taxation  on  individ- 
ual excesses  just  and  proper — Rate  always  one  cent  per  each 
thousand  dollars  cumulative — Uselessness  of  excessive  wealth 
and  folly  of  universal  suffrage  ;  amendment  curtailing  both 
— Rate  to  apply  to  individuals  only,  not  to  corporations — 
Desirableness  of  more  popular  ownership  of  enterprises  and 
less  popular  participation  in  government       .  .  ,  .go 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Practical  application  of  the  cumulative  tax — Supports  government 
in  proportion  to  man's  ability  —  And  no  property  or  no 
knowledge,  no  vote— Takes  burden  off  of  the  weak  and 
puts  it  on  the  strong — Equity  and  efficiency  of  assessment 
— Limits  all  individual  estates  to  about  four  million — Tax 
collectors  in  congressional  districts  :  their  method  of  assess- 
ment— Necessity  of  not  limiting  corporations — "Watering" 
stock  not  specially  objectionable,  but  division  of  ownership 
vital    ....... 


"7 


CHAPTER  Vn. 


Probable  result  of  the  practical  application  of  the  cumulative 
tax — Distributes  corporate  and  other  ownership  to  a  maxi- 
mum limit  of  about  four  million  to  one  individual — More 
practical  and  simple  than  income  tax — Requirements  of  the 
federal  government  fully  met — More  equitable  distribution 
assured — Average  levy  on  all  property  only  fifty  cents  per 
hundred — Evasion  impossible — Least  burdensome  and  most 
certain  and  just  of  all  taxation — Greater  distribution  useless 
and  hurtful — The  only  true  "  protective  system  "  .         .   142 


CONTENTS.  VU 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

PAGE 

How  it  may  be  accomplished — One-hundred  millionaires  fatal  to 
small  investors — But  great  corporations,  if  owned  by  many, 
cause  no  harm — Great  concentration  of  wealth  necessary  to 
promote  enterprise — Power  of  Congress  to  impose  the  cumu- 
lative tax — No  great  difference  between  existing  parties 
affecting  fundamental  principles  involved — Northwestern 
Granger  States  and  the  solid  South  should  join  hands — Will 
settle  the  negro  question  in  the  South — Cumulative  tax  will 
lighten  the  burden  on  the  South  and  West,  and  qualified 
suffrage  will  increase  their  proportionate  vote  and  power — 
Will  decrease  country  vote  less  than  city  vote — Granger 
States  begin  to  see  the  folly  of  protection  and  value  of 
cumulative  taxation  and  qualified  suffrage  —  Over  four 
million  farm  owners  in  1890,  three  fourths  of  whom  may 
support  the  proposition — This  added  to  conservative  city 
vote  is  sufficient  for  success — States  that  first  may  support  it 
— Others  that  may  follow 164 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Suffrage  :  its  functions  and  uses — Original  governmental  systems 
absolute,  despotic,  and  void  of  suffrage — Suffrage  the  result 
of  opposition  to  divine  right  to  rule — A  certain  degree  of 
excellence  necessary — Curtailment  the  only  effectual  ballot 
reform — Knock  out  both  the  one-hundred  millionaire  and 
the  ward  "worker" — Female  suffrage:  never  should  be 
granted,  and  reasons  why  not — Woman's  sphere  and  duty  : 
never  materially  altered  ;  marriage — Opinions  regarding 
same — Proposition  that  it  should  be  abolished  and  women 
made  pensioners  on  society  .         .         .         .         .         .186 

CHAPTER  X. 

Effects  of  true  ballot  reform — Suppresses  the  Southern  negro  and 
the  Northern  loafer — Election  of  collectors  and  postmasters 
would  relieve  the  President  and  diminish  patronage — Col- 
lectors' voting  lists  :  could  not  be  forged  —  How  voting 
would  be  done — Record  absolutely  correct,  and  votes  would 
be  checked  by  postmasters'  lists— No  need  of  large  property 
qualification  ;    purity  guaranteed  without  ;   would  increase 


•  •• 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 


,  ,  PAGK 

the  government  s  stability  —  Impossible  to  buy  votes  — 
Qualified  suffrage  better  than  know-nothingism  ;  will  cause 
diversified  representation     .......   206 

CHAPTER  XL 

Trade,  money,  vi'ork,  and  vv'ages — Convict  labor  no  great  harm  to 
honest  labor — Corporal  punishment  should  be  resumed  for 
small  crimes — Child  labor — Eight-hour  agitation — Scientific 
invention  no  obstacle  to  labor— Causes  of  increased  urban 
population — Circulating  medium  :  money  ;  gold  coin  the 
best  —  Qualities  the  circulating  medium  should  possess — 
Silver  money,  iron  money — Government  "fiat"  money  as 
good  as  the  government's  sovereignty — Must  be  redeemable 
in  something  representing  the  value  of  labor — Increased 
quantity  not  beneficial — Purchases  forced  on  the  govern- 
ment Vi'rong,  and  should  be  stopped— Gold,  and  gold  only, 
to  be  adopted  ;  no  double  standard — Banks  and  banking — 
National  banks  continued    .  .  ,  ,  . 


223 


CHAPTER  XII. 


Immigration  and  foreign  proprietorship — Sentiment  against  im- 
migration— Workingmen  favor  free  trade,  but  oppose  immi- 
gration— Error  of  the  belief — Self-sustaining  men  a  benefit 
— Care  of  poor  families  in  infancy — No  danger  from  over- 
population— If  so,  destroy  the  beasts  first — Man-labor  and 
brute-labor — Increased  population  adds  to  labor  demand — 
Foreign  purchaser  a  benefit  to  all— Opposing  legislation 
reduces  property  values — Ireland  an  illustration  .  .  .   252 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Desirableness  and  result  of  territorial  annexation — Value  to  the 
countries  themselves  greater  than  to  the  States — Some  op- 
position to  extending  the  boundaries — More  land  thought 
by  some  to  be  useless — Final  preference  of  all  for  one 
flag  over  all — Detail  of  the  discussion  regarding  annexation 
—  Tropical  lands  needed  by  the  States  —  Better  acquire 
land  suitable  to  tropical  products  than  to  produce  them 
by  taxation  and  bounties — North  America  adapted  to  one 


CONTENTS.  .  IX 

PAGE 

government  over  the  whole  continent — Likewise  tend  to 
make  customs,  language,  and  people  alike — Local  home-rule 
vital — Possibility  of  division  in  North  America  if  local  rule 
is  molested  .........   268 

CHAPTER    XIV. 

Governments  in  general — Advance  in  civilization  liberalizes  all 
governments — Absolute  monarchy  and  limited  monarchy — 
A  democracy  and  a  republic  defined — America  a  republic, 
not  a  democracy — Strict  construction  of  federal  power  essen- 
tial— Republics  presuppose  intelligence — Excessive  democ- 
racy is  akin  to  socialism — No  federal  aid  or  supervision  of 
schools — Opposition  to  all  kinds  of  paternalism — Frequent 
elections  continued  save  as  to  judges — Local  government 
essential  in  all  progressive  states  and  for  all  enlightened 
people  ..........   286 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Recapitulation  and  general  observations — Some  individual  estates 
too  great  for  computation  ;  illustration  of  the  uselessness  of 
same  ;  equal  to  an  ordinary  salary  for  400,000  years — No 
plan  save  regulating  the  extremes  is  practicable  or  just — 
Irksome  duties  must  be  performed — Increased  compensation 
not  an  offset — Differences  in  men  must  be  recognized — 
Cumulative  taxation  and  suffrage  qualification  the  essential 
features  of  Phronocracy — The  plan  not  complicated — ^The 
South,  the  ruralists  of  the  North,  and  conservative  city 
residents  sufficient  for  success — Reasonable  reward  for 
energy  and  excellence — Nothing  beyond — Concluding  para- 
graphs and  generalization    .......    308 


PHRONOCRATIC    PRECEPTS. 

Aphorisms  and  Epigrams    .  .  .  .  .  ,  .  .331 


500  Thousand 


DIAGRAM   I. 

ILLUSTRATING  THE   AVERAGE   BURDEN   OF   TAXATION  IN   PROPORTION 
TO    PROPERTY    UNDER   THE   PRESENT    SYSTEM. 

Estates. 

200  Million 
150       " 
100       " 

75       " 
50      " 

25       " 
20       " 

15       " 
10 

5  " 
4  " 
3       " 


c 
pq 


100      " 

75       " 

/ 

H                                    \ 

50      " 

/ 
1 

\ 

25       " 

\ 

20      " 

\ 

15      '■ 
10 

5       " 

1 

■     \ 

I 

/ 

\ 

By  the  closest  obtainable  data  it  is  found  that  very  large  estates  do 
not,  on  the  average,  pay  tax  on  more  than  one  third  their  value,  and 
that  small  estates  are  usually  assessed  in  full,  or  pay  three  times  as 
much  in  proportion  as  large  estates. 


XI 


DIAGRAM   II. 


ILLL'STRATI.vr,    THE    EXACT    RATIO     OF    TAX     liURDEN     TO     PROPERTY 

UNDER    THE 
PHROXOCRATIC    CUMULATIVE    SYSTEM. 

Estates.  , 


5 

Million 

Y  . 

/ 

4 
3 

2 
I 

goo 

8oo 

fhousand 

/ 

700 
600 

\                    cs                     / 

\            H              / 

500 
,inn 

\                / 

300 

\     / 

200 

V 

V 

100 

A 

80 

60 

40 

20 

10 

9 

8 

7 
6 

5 
4 

3 

2 

I 

X  is  supposed  to  be  one-fiftieth  of  YZ. 

The  bujcden  on  a  five-million  estate  is  shown  to  be  just  fifty  times 
as  great  per  M.  as  on  a  one-hundred-thousand  estate,  and  on  smaller 
estates  the  burden  is  so  light  as  to  be  inappreciable  on  the  above 
scale. 


DIAGRAM    111. 

H.l  rSTKATING     lllK    BL'RUKN    OK    I'KOTKCTI VF.    TARIFK. 


Rich 

A 

Protected 

/TaxX 

/  Burden   \ 

Classes 

/                        \ 

Poor 

/                \ 

Non- 

/                     ^^^                     \ 

Protected 

/                        Burden                         \ 

Laboring 

/                                                                    \ 

Masses 

/                                                                                 \ 

diac;ram  IV. 

ILLUSTRATING    THE     RELATIVE     BURDEN    OF    U.    S.    REVENUE    UNDER 
PHRONOCRATIC     CUMULATIVE    TAXATION. 


Rich 

\                                                                                               / 

\                             Tax  Burden                              / 

Classes 

Middle 

\^         Tax           y^ 

\  Burden  /'^ 

Classes 

Poor 

-a 

u 

u 

3 

1) 

« 

> 

Laboring 

X 

t-i 

^ 

o 

^ 

Masses 

»■ 

XllI 


POLITICS  AND  PROPERTY; 
PHRONOCRACY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Man  :  his  original  state  ;  his  advance  toward  civilization  ;  his  acquis- 
itiveness— Individual  property  ;  man's  right  to  same — Govern- 
ment :  its  origin  and  progress — Popular  strife  and  energy — 
Diversification  of  civilized  wants — Trade  and  exchange  :  com- 
promise between  wealth  and  poverty — Phronocracy  :  its  meaning 
and  purpose. 

It  is  evident  to  mankind  in  general,  that  the  earth  on 
which  we  reside — an  infinitesimal  portion  of  the  material 
universe — exists.  Whence  it  cometh  or  whither  it  goeth 
is  beyond  the  ken  even  of  the  most  profound  and  erudite 
of  men.  It  is  likewise  apparent  to  the  same  general  class 
that  the  animal  called  the  human  being  exists  on  the  sur- 
face of  the  earth  ;  but  whence  he  cometh  or  whither  he 
goeth  is  likewise  veiled  in  mystery  and  shrouded  in  dark- 
ness. It  is  most  reasonable  to  conclude  that  man  began 
his  existence  within  the  tropics,  whether  on  the  Eastern 
or  Western  hemisphere,  or  whether  at  the  date  of  his  be- 
ginning the  landed  portion  of  the  earth  was  co-extensive 
and  conterminous  is  unknown  and  inconsequential.  It 
is  likewise  evident  that  the  primordial  man  existed  in 
a  state  or  condition  which,  as  compared  with  the  en- 
vironments of  what  is  properly  denominated  modern 
civilization,   was  absolutely   barbaric.     As   time    passed 

I 


2  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

he  progressed  ;  or,  in  other  words,  he  began  to  exert  his 
inherent  power  upon  the  existing  inaniinate  matter  that 
surrounded  him  ;  and  to  use  his  force  to  such  an  extent 
as  gratified  his  inclinations  in  the  destruction  and  utili- 
zation of  co-existing  animate  objects  within  the  scope  of 
his  ordinary  powers  for  purposes  best  suited  to  his  wishes 
and  wants.  He  ran  the  lion  into  his  lair,  he  pursued  the 
antelope  into  the  jungles  of  the  forest,  he  caught  the 
fishes  of  the  brooks  and  estuaries,  he  multiplied  his  own 
species,  and  as  the  population  became  more  numerous, 
individuals  thereof  began  to  travel  the  surface  of  the 
earth,  and  in  rudely  constructed  boats  to  navigate  the 
landed  confines  of  the  unknown  seas.  Later,  when 
entering  into  lands  and  climes  in  which  the  rigors  of  the 
weather  demanded  other  and  altered  appliances  from 
those  required  for  ordinary  comfort  in  the  sun-lit  regions 
of  his  primitive  abodes,  he  began  to  clothe  himself  in  the 
skins  of  the  inferior  animals  that  he  subjugated  and  de- 
stroyed, and  to  burrow  holes  in  the  ground  for  the  pur- 
pose of  constructing  rude  habitations,  and  to  fell  trees 
with  which  to  construct  primitive  huts  for  shelter  from 
the  uncongenial  and  discomforting  winds  of  his  unac- 
customed country.  Finally,  advancing  into  a  state  or 
condition  from  the  standpoint  of  the  present,  properly 
demonstrated  progress,  he  began  to  comprehend  that  he 
possessed,  and  proceeded  to  exercise,  supreme  dominion 
over  things  animate  and  inanimate  around  him.  Com- 
measurably  with  his  progress,  or  rather  with  his  approach 
to  that  state  or  condition  that  most  fittingly  represents 
our  present  civilized  life,  there  began  to  be  displayed 
natural  acquisitiveness  prompted  by  a  realizing  sense  of 
the  absolute  necessity  for  provision  against  want.  He 
was  able  to  fully  comprehend  that  a  hole  in  the  ground 
was  a  more  comfortable  abode  than  the  open  landscape, 


PHRONOCRACY  3 

and,  later,  that  a  rudely  constructed  log-hut  was  more 
suitable  to  his  wants  than  a  hole  in  the  ground  ;  also, 
that  the  skin  of  a  bear,  a  weasel,  or  a  mink,  could  be  so 
constructed  as  to  be  of  much  value  in  insuring  that  com- 
fort which  he  desired  and  that  contentment  which  he 
sought  ;  hence,  he  naturally  began  to  possess  himself  of 
all  of  these  that  he  could  secure,  and  to  use  them  at 
once,  or  to  secrete  them  for  the  future.  Naturally,  there- 
fore, the  possession  of  individual  property  followed 
closely  behind  the  approach  of  man  to  his  present  condi- 
tion, and  as  civilization  advanced  the  varieties  and  diver- 
sification of  individual  possessions  multiplied.  The  furs 
of  the  animals  he  captured,  the  fish  he  caught,  and  the 
the  trees  he  felled  were  naturally  and  rightfully  the  prop- 
erty of  the  man  who  secured  them,  and  he  cherished  a 
natural  unwillingness  to  divide  with  another.  They  were 
the  fruit  of  his  toil  ;  and,  since  they  possessed  originally 
no  value,  he  acquired  title  by  the  effort  expended  in  re- 
prisal, and  he  had  an  unquestioned  right  to  exert  that 
effort ;  and,  having  so  done,  would  not  now  willingly  be- 
come dispossessed  without  adequate  compensation. 

Having,  therefore,  progressed  until  individual  property 
became  an  important  element  in  human  existence,  it  be- 
came necessary  to  institute  some  means  of  protection 
against  attacks  for  the  possession  of  that  property  upon 
the  part  of  those  of  his  fellow-men  who  possessed  more 
dishonesty  and  less  industry  than  himself.  It  soon  became 
apparent  that  all  men  were  not  equal  either  in  size  or  intui- 
tions ;  neither  had  they  the  same  identical  desires.  They 
differed  from  each  other  as  radically,  though  originally 
perhaps  not  more  so,  than  the  trees  of  the  forest,  and 
less  so,  doubtless,  than  the  fishes  of  the  sea.  Why  some 
grew  to  be  stronger  than  others,  or  why  some  could  com- 
bat successfully  with  the  most  ferocious  beast  and  pos- 


4  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

sess  himself  of  its  skin,  if  he  desired  it  for  clothing,  or  of 
its  meat,  if  he  wished  it  for  food  ;  and  why  others  could 
not,  or  at  least  were  less  forcible  in  this  quality  than  the 
most  favored,  was  and  still  is  unknown  :  it  is  the  natural 
condition,  that  is  all. 

Continuing  to  advance  nearer  to  the  condition  to 
which  civilization  has  attained,  that  faculty  of  the  human 
being  called  intelligence  began  to  assume  a  wider  scope 
and  more  comprehensive  range. 

Hitherto,  scarcely  mindful  of  the  energies  and  forces 
of  nature,  he  now  began  to  realize  that  the  wind  would 
blow,  that  the  lightning  would  flash,  that  the  thunder 
would  roar,  that  the  sea  would  toss,  that  the  seasons 
would  change,  and  that  Nature  would  wear  continuously 
an  altered  aspect,  and  be  subjected  to  changed  con- 
ditions that  he  could  not  fathom  or  in  any  sense 
control  ;  hence  he  began  to  conclude  that  there  must  be 
some  power  that  did  control  all  these,  that  could  exer- 
cise dominion  over  same,  and  so  he  ascribed  to  the  sea 
its  god,  to  the  north  wind  its  god,  to  the  forces  of  Nature, 
or,  in  other  words,  to  the  agencies  around  him,  and  to 
personal  attributes  inherent  in  his  kind  and  in  things  in 
general,  their  god  or  controller — hence,  doubtless,  the 
idea  of  a  Supreme  Being.  Since  the  powers  ascribed  to 
the  gods  were  insufficient  to  regulate  and  control  indi- 
vidual passions,  to  insure  peaceable  possession  of  in- 
dividual property,  to  protect  the  weak  against  the  strong, 
or  to  regulate  the  ordinary  affairs  of  life,  there  began  to 
be  established  schemes  and  systems  of  government.  At 
first  the  most  forcible  of  a  certain  tribe  or  community 
would  assert,  and,  by  his  physical  and  mental  power, 
maintain,  a  supremacy  over  the  balance  of  his  fellow-men  ; 
which,  by  reason  of  the  inherent  predisposition  of  men, 
caused  by  their  observation  of  natural  forces,  to  look  to 


PHRONOCkACY  5 

a  power  higher  than  themselves,  crystallized  into  what 
was  considered  a  right  to  rttle.  The  chief  seemed  greater 
than  the  masses  ;  hence  he  must  be  nearer  to  the  power 
that  caused  the  winds  to  blow,  the  sea  to  toss,  and  the 
elements  to  be  in  action.  The  desire  for  gain  and  for 
the  manifestations  of  individual  prowess  would  cause 
strife  and  contention  between  the  chiefs  of  various 
tribes,  until  the  strongest  would  subjugate  the  weakest, 
resulting  in  greater  extensions  of  the  rule  of  the  success- 
ful individual  ;  and  thus,  as  time  rolled  on,  states  and 
nations  were  builded  up  by  the  subjugation  and  absorp- 
tion of  smaller  tribes  and  communities  ;  and,  as  their 
chieftains  and  rulers  attained  glory  and  renown,  they 
were  thought  to  be  endowed  with  supernatural  attain- 
ments consequent  upon  the  belief  that  otherwise  they 
could  not  so  successfully,  if  at  all,  have  achieved  their 
greatness  and  power  ;  hence,  perhaps,  the  idea  of  the 
"Divine  appointment  of  the  King."  The  ruler,  once 
established  in  his  kingly  state,  whether  by  force  or 
otherwise,  succession  had  to  be  provided  for,  and  was, 
in  earlier  days  in  most  cases,  determined  by  force  ;  but 
more  recently  and  in  some  parts  of  the  world  is  in  this 
day  actually  regulated  by  inheritance,  as  if  any  man 
could  inherit,  possess,  or  transmit  the  right  to  rule  over 
his  fellow-men.  When,  in  1776,  the  American  colonists 
of  King  George  III.  conceived  the  idea  that  "all  just 
power  came  from  the  consent  of  the  governed,"  a  great 
stride  was  made  in  the  progress  of  the  world.  It  was  a 
radical  departure  from  the  idea  of  "  Divine  right,"  and 
hence  more  in  keeping  with  progressive  thought. 

The  attainment  by  man  to  that  state  of  civilized  life 
which  suggested  the  advisability  of  or  necessity  for  any 
system  of  government,  was  coeval  with  the  development 
of  man's  acquisitiveness  and  the  possession  of  individual 


6  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

property.  In  other  words,  the  idea  of  government  was 
suggested,  and  the  institution  in  its  most  primitive  form 
was  established  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of  protection  to 
property  and  life  ;  and  the  proper  functions  of  govern- 
ment are  to  this  day  fully  exercised,  when  protection  to 
life  and  property  have  been  secured  and  peaceful  and 
uninterrupted  possession  thereof  established  and  main- 
tained. The  numerous  and  varied  manifestations  and 
the  unwarranted  and  non-essential  exercise  of  govern- 
mental power  can  and  should  be  limited  to  these  simple 
agencies.  Admitting,  therefore,  what  appears  to  be 
self-evident,  that  the  human  being  is  so  constituted 
that,  apace  with  that  progress  which  he  has  manifestly 
attained,  he  must  have  wants,  and  that  his  wants  must 
prompt  acquisitiveness,  and  that  this  attribute  of  his 
nature  prompts  accumulation,  it  is  obvious  that  individ- 
ual property  is  as  much  a  natural  condition  as  individual 
life  ;  hence  that  property,  to  the  extent  that  its  aggregate 
is  reasonable  and  can  be  available  to  its  possessor,  should 
be  held  or  possessed  by  him  in  uninterrupted  enjoyment. 
To  a  certain  extent,  man  in  the  abstract  has  a  natural 
right  to  possess  the  earth  and  its  belongings  ;  and,  since 
all  men  are  constituted,  in  the  main,  of  the  same  kind  of 
matter,  and  possess,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  the  same 
ability  to  enjoy  pleasure,  comfort,  and  ease,  and  have 
the  same  general  disinclination  to  endure  pain,  discom- 
fort, and  toil,  he  should  possess  it  ;  yet  it  is  no  more 
possible  to  institute  that  condition  in  society  which  will 
render  the  equal  possession  of  property  possible,  than  it 
is  possible  to  make  all  trees  absorb  from  the  earth  and 
air  the  same  amount  of  moisture,  or  cause  all  plants  and 
animals  to  grow  to  the  same  uniform  size — such  is  not 
the  natural  condition,  that  is  all.  The  tree  appears  to 
have  a  natural  right  to  that  part  of  the  soil  from  which 


PHR()NOCRACY  7 

its  roots  take  nourishment,  and  to  that  share  of  space 
over  which  its  branches  ramify  ;  and  so,  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  that  natural  right,  does  it  accreate  and  grow, 
bear  its  frui^  its  seed,  and  carry  out  its  apparent  purpose 
and  mission  on  earth,  unless  by  the  interference  of  some 
stronger  power,  as  a  cyclone  or  a  storm — both  as  natural 
a  consequence  as  the  existence  of  the  tree  itself, — it 
is  uprooted  or  destroyed,  or  unless,  by  the  hand  of  man 
or  by  the  teeth  of  a  beaver  or  otherwise,  it  is  hewn  down 
and  converted  into  something  suitable  for  use.  The 
stronger,  whenever  suitable  to  its  wishes  or  purposes, 
will  destroy  the  weaker  ;  the  fittest,  all  things  considered, 
will  survive. 

Society,  from  the  time  of  early  civilization,  has,  to  a 
certain  extent,  acknowledged  man's  right  to  live,  to 
maintenances  from  the  resources  of  the  earth ;  and, 
in  conformity  with  the  acknowledgment  of  that  right, 
has  established  and  supported  houses  for  the  maimed, 
the  decrepit,  and,  furthermore,  for  the  poor.  It  has 
maintained  hospitals  for  the  sick,  it  has  supported 
public  parks  and  public  roads  — •  furthermore,  it  has 
supported  public  schools — in  fact,  it  has  in  many  cases 
recognized  fully  the  agrarian  and  socialistic  principle. 
To  have  extended  this  indulgence  further — that  is,  to 
have  opened  all  such  recognized  institutions  to  all  who 
wished  to  become  inmates — would  be  to  place  a  premium 
on  idleness,  and  thus  paralyze  the  world's  affairs. 

The  natural  inclinations  of  men  to  possess  and  retain 
property  has  never  been  denied.  The  assertions  of  a 
few  misanthropic  agitators  that,  though  natural,  it  should 
never  be  allowed  ;  that  all  the  world's  effects  should  be 
considered  common  property  has  never  gained  much 
support,  because  such  views  are  not  only  irrational  but 
unnatural      Mep  always  have  had  and  always  will  have 


8  J'OI.ITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

wants,  they  always  did  and  always  will  strive  to  supply 
those  wants,  and  he  who  is  sufficiently  energetic  or  suffi- 
ciently  fortunate    to    acquire    the    means  of   gratifying 
those  wants  never  did   and  never  will    consent   to    an 
equal  division  with   his  fellows,  who  have  been  either 
less  energetic  or  less  fortunate  ;  hence  all  ideas  looking 
to  the  abolition  of  government  which  has  been  estab- 
lished for  the  protection  of  this  personal  property  and 
life  should  be  absolutely  abandoned,  and  the  thoughts  of 
men    directed    towards    the    institution    of   some  social 
or  governmental  system,  by  virtue  of  which  the  personal 
accumulations  of  men  cannot  become  so  colossal  as  to 
be  useless  and  unwieldy  to  their  possessors  and  a  detri- 
ment to   the    well-being  of   communities  ;   and,   at  the 
same  time,   towards  providing  for  every  individual  in- 
creased opportunity    for   acquiring   a  reasonable  com- 
petency   and    an    increased    security    of    its    peaceful 
enjoyment   after   having   been    acquired.     For  years  a 
constant   and    unrelenting    strife    has    existed   between 
employer   and    employe,  which,  with   disagreeable    and 
finally   with   alarming   frequency,    has    interrupted    the 
trade  and  business  of  the  world  ;  has  caused  distrust 
and  insecurity  to  become  rife  in  all  moneyed  centres, 
which  has  pervaded  the  body  politic,  permeated  every 
enterprise,  and  stifled  the  progress  of  the  world's  affairs. 
So  great  and  so  irremediable  appears  to  be  the  discontent 
of  the  masses  that,  in  1S90,  the  Emperor  of  Germany, 
whose  predecessors  and  compeers    had   never  hitherto 
vaguely  dreamed  of  recognizing  or  countenancing   the 
cogent  force  of  popular  unrest  and  intrigue,  called  a 
conference  of   laboring   men   for   the  purpose   of  con- 
sidering the  cause  of  the  prevailing  universal  complaint, 
and,  if  possible,  to  provide  a  remedy. 

In   keeping  with  the   influences   and   conditions   that 


i'iii;()\()CKA(;v 


9 


usually  prevail  where  no  definite  plan  is  proposed — no 
definite  end  at  which  all  could  aim,  suggested, — this  and 
many  other  conferences  of  similar  character  and  import 
resulted  in  nothing  save  to  aggravate  rather  than  to 
assuage  the  manifest  grievances  under  which  the  masses 
groaned.  In  America,  Russia,  and  France,  incipient 
manifestations  of  anarchism  have  been  from  time  to 
time  displayed,  but  such  is  the  force  of  prudence  and 
good  sense  that  no  great  upheaval  of  the  people  with  an 
unconquerable  spirit  to  burn,  pillage,  and  rob,  has  yet 
occurred. 

Civilization  has  reached  such  a  condition  that,  though 
the  whole  of  Europe  is  armed  for  the  purpose  of  main- 
taining national  autonomy,  thwarting  foreign  aggression, 
and  suppressing  domestic  insurrection,  yet  most  conten- 
tions and  differences,  whether  national,  social,  commercial, 
or  individual,  are  settled  by  the  arbitraments  of  peace, 
not  by  the  sword  and  cannon  in  the  ghastly  throes  of 
bloody  war. 

Discussions,  even  in  the  iron-ruled  and  tyrannically 
oppressed  empires  of  Europe,  are  prevalent,  both  on  the 
hustings  and  in  the  prints. 

No  direct  effort  has  been  of  late  years  made  at  the  de- 
thronement of  governments  ;  but  murmurs  of  discontent 
are  uttered  by  the  people  of  those  countries  where  the 
popular  voice,  though  capable  of  being  uttered,  cannot 
be  made  effectual,  by  reason  of  the  oppression  of  the 
military  and  the  divine  right  of  the  king. 

In  America  the  difficulty  has  existed  not  in  the  ability 
to  change  or  modify  existing  conditions,  but  to  devise 
some  plan  that  would  receive  the  support  of  a  sufficient 
number  to  make  its  purposes  effective.  Some  orators 
and  writers  have  maintained  that  the  people  are  suffering 
from  no  grievance  that  legislation  can  mitigate,  much 


lO  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

less  relieve  ;  that  the  gulf  between  Dives  and  Lazarus 
always  existed,  and  always  would  exist  ;  that  civilization 
requires  that  there  should  be  a  master  and  a  slave, 
or  rather  an  employer  and  an  employe  ;  that  we  must 
have  scrapers  for  our  streets  and  stokers  for  our  ships  ; 
that  we  can  never  more  effectually  eradicate  poverty 
than  we  can  extirpate  disease  ;  and,  in  fact,  that  the 
world  would  be  no  better  if  all  were  in  affluence,  or  even 
possessed  of  a  reasonable  degree  of  comfort,  than  if 
a  few  were  opulent  and  the  many  in  rags. 

Others,  however,  maintain  that  the  earth  belongs  in 
usufruct  to  the  people,  which  in  a  measure  is  true, 
and  that  all  men  are  entitled  to  its  benefits  and  rewards  ; 
that  the  fact  that  the  wealth  of  the  world  is  being  so 
rapidly  concentrated  into  the  hands  of  the  few,  and 
to  an  extent  that  does  not  benefit  but  actually  burthens 
its  possessors,  is  an  unnatural  condition,  and  should  be 
changed. 

A  few  individuals  now  become  possessed  of  a  property 
that  is  monopolistic  in  its  nature  ;  and,  by  reason  of  the 
rapid  increase  of  population  and  consequent  increased 
demand, there  arises  an  increase  in  value — "an  unearned 
increment," — for  which  the  owners  are  in  no  sense  re- 
sponsible, and  of  which  they  should  never  be  possessed, 
beyond  cerhzin  reaso7iable  limitations. 

Labor  organizations  combine  so  as  to  curtail  the 
supply  ;  demand  shorter  hours  for  work,  so  as  to  give 
occupation  to  more  individuals  or  to  lessen  the  burthen 
upon  those  who  are  engaged.  Capital  will  concentrate 
into  trusts  and  associations,  so  that  it  becomes  a  matter 
of  serious  doubt  whether  or  not  all  capital  will  not 
eventually  drift  into  one  grand  monopoly  and  labor  into 
one  discontented  mass. 

Among  the  extremists  of  both  sides  who  are  capable 


rilRONOCRACY  II 

of  considering,  and  who  possess  inherently  the  candor  to 
confess,  there  seems  to  obtain  a  concurrence  of  opinion 
that  possibly  the  present  conditions  are  not  as  good  as 
they  might  be  made,  nor  yet  as  bad  as  they  have  been 
pictured.  Anarchy  having  been  absolutely  abandoned 
by  thinking  men,  there  remains  only  those  who  recognize 
man's  right  to  property,  hence  the  necessity  for  some 
kind  of  government.  The  first  class  maintain  that  the 
existence  of  wealth  and  poverty  are  natural  conditions, 
essential  to  the  progress  of  civilization,  and  cannot  be 
altered  ;  the  second  claiming  that  there  must  be  a  more 
equitable  distribution  of  wealth,  and  consequent  allevia- 
tion of  the  pangs  of  poverty. 

The  first  class  insist  upon  the  curtailment  of  the  ballot 
and  tlie  vigorous  enforcement  of  property  rights  and 
class  distinctions.  Many  of  the  second  class,  after  hav- 
ing attempted  by  various  schemes  to  equalize  man's  con- 
dition and  estate,  finally  concentrated  upon  the  principle 
that  government  should  own  all  and  operate  all  the  enter- 
prises of  life  to  which  man's  energies  could  be  devoted  ; 
because  by  this  means  alone  could  the  fruits  of  industry 
be  equitably  distributed  ;  or,  in  other  words,  that  if  every 
individual  labored  for  the  state,  the  result  of  that  labor 
would  be  the  accumulation  of  wealth  in  the  aggregate  to 
about  the  same  extent  as  now,  when  the  accumulation  is 
placed  into  the  hands  of  fortunate  individuals,  and  that 
the  state  having  received  these  accumulations  could  in 
turn  distribute  the  same  fairly  and  equitably  among  the 
people,  who  in  either  case  contributed  them,  but  who 
under  existing' conditions  failed  to  receive  any  distribu- 
tive share,  save  a  paltry  sufficiency  for  life's  actual  needs, 
frequently  not  even  that,  and  never  any  of  its  luxuries. 

Others  of  the  second  class  propose  various  schemes  of 
taxation,  prominent  among  whom  are  the  single-  or  land- 


12  POLITICS   AM)    PROPERTY 

tax  advocators  ;  others,  the  control  by  government  of 
the  enterprises  of  greatest  magnitude  chat  are  claimed  to 
be  in  their  nature  monopolistic,  such  as  railways,  high- 
ways, canals  and  waterways — in  a  word,  all  enterprises 
relating  to  transportation  and  communication  ;  others  in 
America  oppose  foreign  immigration. 

Others  argue  that  the  policy  of  national  protection 
against  the  products  of  human  labor  in  all  countries 
would  surely  operate  as  a  panacea  for  all  ills  in  any 
country  ;  others,  that  close  competition  of  the  products 
of  all  by  unconditional  free  trade  will  effect  the  desired 
result — that  is,  alleviate  the  condition  of  the  masses. 

Thus  to  an  endless  multiplicity  are  plans  and  schemes 
proposed  until  there  likewise  exists  a  chaos  of  objection 
of  difficulty  and  doubt.  In  America,  where  every  human 
is  a  king,  or  where  at  least  every  individual  participates 
in  the  creation  of  the  king  and  in  the  policies  that  shall 
control  his  reign,  the  discussion  is  of  course  more  univer- 
sal and  widespread,  and  it  is  commonly  admitted  that  if 
any  decided  alteration  in  existing  social  condition  is  to 
be  inaugurated,  it  will  most  likely  begin  in  the  United 
States. 

There  the  idea  of  individual  liberty  from  the  thraldom 
of  the  king  first  had  its  birth  and  there  the  experiment 
was  first  inaugurated,  the  success  of  which,  though 
scouted  at  and  scorned  by  the  sages  of  the  civilized  earth, 
has  become,  after  a  century  of  experiment,  universally 
acknowledged  ;  so  that  the  States  now  stand  united,  and, 
with  an  ever  increasing  effulgence,  blazing  forth  the 
brightest  stars  in  the  galaxy  of  nations — the  pride  of 
their  people  and  the  envy  of  the  world. 

In  America  naturally  should  be  conceived,  and  if  pos- 
sible executed,  the  idea  of  individual  liberty  from  the 
thraldom  of  concentrated  wealth,  and  there,  after  many 


I'HRON'OCKACV  13 

discouraging  vicissitudes  and  trials,  may  be  achieved,  ere 
long,  the  most  glorious  civil  triumph  that  has  ever  been 
recorded  in  the  history  of  nations. 

That  triumph  will  be  the  result  of  a  compromise  be- 
tween the  most  liberal  and  progressive  of  the  advocates 
of  the  old  system  of  unlimited  individual  property  accu- 
mulations and  rigid  and  imperious  class  caste  and  aristo- 
cratic distinction,  and  the  most  conservative  of  the  advo- 
cates of  socialism  of  all  varieties  ;  the  two  absorbing, 
as  it  were,  the  very  essence  of  manhood  itself,  that  is, 
the  progressive  middle  classes — the  central  portion  of 
the  arch  in  which  is  always  found  the  keystone  of  the 
structure.  It  is  observed  by  statisticians  that  in  America 
the  increase  of  wealth  is  proportionate  to  the  increase  of 
population,  but  that  the  possession  of  that  wealth  is  con- 
centrating with  alarming  rapidity.  In  other  words,  the 
average  wealth  per  capita  has  usually  been  somewhere  in 
the  neighborhood  of  one  thousand  dollars — the  American 
standard  coin.  In  1880,  when  the  population  was  forty- 
five  million,  the  aggregate  wealth  of  the  country  was 
about  forty-four  billion  and  in  1890,  when  the  popula- 
tion was  sixty-four  millions,  the  wealth  of  the  country 
was  sixty-one  billion. 

It  was  estimated  in  1880,  that  the  world  was  growing 
richer  to  the  extent  of  about  ten  million  dollars  per  day, 
of  which  the  United  States  of  America  contributed  about 
one  fourth.  Now,  therefore,  it  becomes  apparent  that  if 
the  possessors  of  property  diminished  in  anything  like 
the  same  ratio  that  property  itself  increases,  there  must 
come  a  time  when  the  world  and  all  that  is  in  it  might 
practically  be  owned  by  one  single  man. 

What  good  could  such  possessions  be  to  any  individual  ? 
Or  what  use  could  the  wealth  of  the  world  be  to  a  million 
individuals  ?    Great  fortunes  accrete  with  an  accelerated 


14  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

velocity,  whilst  the  requirements  of  life  remain  practi- 
cally the  same.  One  man  can  eat  only  so  much  food, 
though  he  possess  the  means  to  buy  food  for  ten  thousand. 
One  man  can  wear  only  a  certain  amount  of  clothing, 
though  he  be  able  to  supply  raiment  for  the  civilized 
world  ;  he  can  only  sleep  in  one  bed  and  under  one 
roof  at  one  time,  though  he  be  able  to  supply  both  for  a 
million  of  his  fellows.  What  use,  therefore,  to  any  indi- 
vidual is  the  possession  of  property  ten  thousand  times 
greater  than  he  actually  requires  or  can  possibly  use  ? 
Why  should  a  man  gather  into  his  storehouse  ten  million 
blankets  when  he  can  only  use  one,  and  permit  them  to 
be  there  till  they  are  moth-eaten  and  useless,  when  a 
million  of  his  followers  are  shivering  with  cold  ?  Why 
should  any  man  by  any  system  that  is  recognized  by  the 
civilization  of  the  world  be  permitted  to  gather  into  his 
garner  food  for  one  million  souls  and  permit  it  to  lie 
there  till  it  rots,  when  thousands  of  his  fellows  are 
starving  ? 

The  abandonment  of  anarchism,  which  is  offensive  to 
all  good  citizens  (for  all  such  recognize  the  fact  that 
until  the  human  being  has  reached  absolute  perfection, 
laws  must  be  instituted  for  his  protection  and  restraint), 
aids  much  the  cause  of  the  approaching  reformation. 
Threats  of  violence  cause  more  rigid  discipline,  whilst 
appeals  to  reason  prompt  mutual  discussion.  When  the 
possessors  of  several  million  dollars  (of  which  class  there 
are  several  in  the  world)  are  confronted  with  the  ques- 
tion, as  they  now  are  with  much  frequency  and  force, 
even  by  the  most  conservative  of  daily  prints,  "  What 
good  to  yourself  and  family  is  so  much  wealth  ? "  they 
are  at  a  loss  to  reply.  If  you  cannot  possibly  use  it, 
then  your  only  desire  is  glory,  or  the  personal  satisfaction 
of  excelling  someone  else.     You  have  reached  a  point 


PHRONOCRACV  I 5 

where  accumulation  is  in  excess  of  the  desire  for  pro- 
vision against  possible  want,  and  you  have  acquired  a 
fortune  beyond  the  point  which  is  thought  reasonable  to 
stimulate  exertion.  Each  thousand  dollars  will  earn 
about  fifty  dollars  per  year,  which  is  more  than  the  aver- 
age human  being  can  earn  in  excess  of  his  support. 

In  a  word,  the  millions  who  toil  are  in  but  very  few 
instances  richer  at  the  end  of  a  year  even  to  the  extent 
of  fifty  dollars  than  they  were  at  the  beginning  ;  whilst 
every  man  who  owns  one  thousand  dollars  can  safely 
rely  on  an  income  of  fifty  dollars  or  more. 

Disassociated  from  technical  definitions,  all  wealth  is 
the  result  of  labor.  The  world  grows  richer  year  by 
year  because  its  inhabitants  are  adding  to  Nature's  pos- 
sessions, their  labor. 

What  is  not  consumed  in  sustenance,  and  consequently 
destroyed,  represents  accumulation. 

Money  is  simply  an  agency  for  facilitating  exchanges, 
and  represents  but  a  very  small  portion  of  the  property 
of  the  world.  Primarily  and,  it  would  appear,  very 
justly  man  is  entitled  to  the  products  of  his  own  la- 
bor ;  in  other  words,  to  the  wealth  that  he  himself 
creates. 

The  wants  of  the  civilized  man  are  many  and  various. 
Without  attem.pting  to  name  or  classify,  it  is  safe  to 
assume  that  he  who  ean  supply,  surrounds  himself  with 
at  least  one  thousand  different  articles — all  produced  by 
labor  from  the  earth  and  its  belongings  ;  hence,  each 
man  being  entitled  to  the  products  of  his  own  labor, 
would,  in  order  to  live  in  a  civilized  state,  be  obliged  to 
produce  these  one  thousand  different  articles  or  remain 
unprovided  unless  some  other  scheme  of  procurement 
could  be  suggested  or  devised.  As  it  is  not  within  the 
limit  of  one  man's  capacity  to  produce  what  he  wants  of 


l6  I'*)LITI(:S    AND    PROPKkTV 

each  of  the  said  one  thousand  articles,  and  as  different 
men  are  adapted  to  different  avocations,  and  have  pref- 
erences and  capabilities  differing  from  each  other,  some 
will  naturally  drift  into  one  thing  and  some  into  another. 
The  man  who  produces  shoes  naturally  wants  clothes, 
and  he  who  produces  hats  naturally  wants  spoons,  and 
so  forth,  and  so  on  throughout  the  entire  list  of  indi- 
vidual requirements.  The  bootmaker  will  voluntarily 
exchange  boots  for  clothes  ;  in  other  words,  both  will- 
ingly exchange  their  respective  products  ;  hence  there 
arises  the  system  of  barter  and  exchange.  In  this  ex- 
change, some  must  get  more  value  than  others,  and  so 
in  the  work  of  production  some  will  produce  more 
than  others,  some  are  more  frugal  and  fortunate  than 
others,  and  some  are  sick  less  frequently  than  others  ; 
hence  from  causes  entirely  natural  and  unavoidable, 
some  will  become  richer  than  others. 

Increased  riches  enable  the  possessor  to  provide  in- 
creased facility,  and  increased  facilities  either  increase 
excellence  or  cheapen  production  ;  hence  some  more 
fortunate  bootmaker,  from  causes  entirely  natural,  can 
produce  a  better  boot,  which  he  can  exchange  for  the 
product  of  another  man's  labor,  than  the  less  fortunate 
can  produce,  or  he  can  produce  the  same  quality  under 
conditions  and  circumstances  that  enable  him  to  ex- 
change it  for  less  value,  resulting  inevitably  and  yet 
naturally  in  driving  the  less  favored  out  of  business,  who 
must  engage  in  some  other  occupation  or  sell  his  labor 
to  the  other  man  at  an  agreed  compensation  ;  hence, 
employer  and  employe,  and  it  must,  will,  and  should  be 
so  to  the  crack  of  doom. 

The  employer  will  not  of  course  pay  the  employe  the 
full  amount  of  his  value,  but  must  reserve  for  himself  a 
profit  on  his  labor,  and  if  this  profit  is  ten  per  cent.,  he 


PHRONOCRACV  \J 

has  but  to  employ  ten  men  to  gain  the  labor  of  one  indi- 
vidual complete,  and  so  on  till  a  vast  fortune  has  been 
amassed,  and  each  step  in  the  procedure  has  been  rea- 
sonable and  natural  and  consented  to  voluntarily  by  the 
less  fortunate  man. 

Ten  thousand  different  civilizations  might  be  begun  on 
the  earth  and  whilst  men  are  men — whilst  we  are  what 
we  are — the  result  as  above  briefly  outlined  will  in  the 
end  be  substantially  the  same,  because  men  are  not  all 
equal  ;  if  equal,  they  are  not  all  favored  with  the  same 
fortunate  conditions  ;  hence  some  must  advance,  some 
must  accumulate — it  is  unavoidable  so  long  as  human 
beings  are  a  part  and  parcel  of,  or  an  incident  to,  the 
earth  and  its  operations.  To  repeat  :  conditions  are  not 
the  same,  and  men  are  not  the  same  ;  if  conditions  were 
the  same  and  men,  as  all  admit — must  admit — differ,  as 
they  do,  in  energy,  frugality,  shrewdness,  and  perspica- 
city, then  no  law  or  social  restriction  that  applies  to  all 
men  alike  will  ever  prevent  one  man  from  being  lord  and 
another  his  slave  or  practically  that.  The  only  solution, 
it  must  be  finally  agreed,  is  to  institute  a  system  of  laws 
that  do  not  apply  to  all  men  alike  and  under  circum- 
stances reasonably  just  and  equitable. 

To  devise  some  scheme  by  which  individuals  may  be 
permitted  to  reap  the  benefits  of  their  energy,  their 
shrewdness,  their  brain  force,  or  their  good  fortune  to 
such  an  extent  as  will  provide  adequate  remuneration, — 
such  as  will  enable  them  to  acquire  not  only  a  compe- 
tency for  provision  against  v/ant,  but  a  sufficiency  for 
indulgence  in  any  moderate,  or  even,  if  desired,  extrava- 
gant luxury,  and  at  the  same  time  secure  a  barrier 
against  excess,  is  a  problem  difficult  of  solution.  Still 
greater  is  the  difficu'ty  in  instituting  a  practical  barrier 
against    excessive  accumulation,  and  at   the  same  time 


1 8  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

avoiding  any  interference  with  the  legitimate  progress  of 
commercial  enterprise.  It  having  been  admitted  gener- 
ally that  men  are  not  equal,  it  is  obvious  that  gradations 
must  exist  in  society,  and  it  is  not  improper  that  they 
always  should  exist.  In  order  that  life  itself  shall  con- 
tinue, it  is  and  will  be  absolutely  necessary  that  certain 
menial  and  degrading  occupations  be  engaged  in.  Some 
men  are  willing  to  pursue  these  trades,  and  are  by  nature 
and  inclinations  suited  to  the  same,  while  others  are  not ; 
hence,  each  individual  being  unable  to  perform  all  the 
services  for  himself  that  civilized  life  requires,  in  the 
natural  turning  over  and  sifting  out  of  affairs,  those  best 
adapted  to  and  most  contented  with  certain  avocations 
usually  drift  there  by  natural  causes,  such  as  would  result 
in  the  course  of  time  were  all  civilization  to  be  begun 
anew,  unless  the  conditions,  characters,  attributes,  appe- 
tites, propensities,  and  adaptabilities  of  mankind  should 
be  altered — a  result  not  in  keeping  with  Nature,  nor 
likely  to  occur. 

The  Republican  and  Democratic  parties  in  America 
have  practically  ignored  the  questions  of  excessive 
accumulation,  of  universal  suffrage,  of  foreign  immigra- 
tion, of  territorial  annexation — of  the  great  and  growing 
evils  of  concentrated  capital  and  the  widespread  discon- 
tent of  the  masses  of  the  community.  They  have  been 
devoting  all  thought  to  protective  duties,  legislation 
relative  to  the  coinage  of  silver,  the  race  question  in  the 
South,  and  to  pension  monstrosities.  Between  the  re- 
spective organizations  there  has  ceased  to  be  any  great 
difference  on  questions  of  principle.  The  Republicans 
claim  to  be,  in  fact  are,  protectionists  ;  yet,  they  recog- 
nize the  necessity  for  a  reduction  of  import  duties.  The 
Democrats  are  really  in  favor  of  tariffs  for  revenue  only, 
but  are  afraid  boldlv  to  assert  and  vindicate  their  belief, 


I'MKONOCRACV  19 

and  continue  to  temporize  and  dally  with  trivial  and  un- 
important details  of  a  tariff  reduction  measure  until  it  is 
simply  a  question  between  Republicans  and  Democrats 
whether  or  not  the  duty  should  be  taken  off  this  and 
placed  on  that  or  taken  off  that  and  placed  on  this — 
whether  sheep's  wool  "shall  be  free  or  taxed  or  whether 
sugar  should  be  free  or  taxed,  and  after  the  labor  of  the 
mountain  the  mouse  is  produced  bearing  a  placard  on 
its  back  proclaiming  to  the  world  that  certain  grades  of 
sugar  shall  be  free,  but  for  a  period  of  years  bounties 
shall  be  paid  to  producers,  and  that  wool  shall  be  taxed 
so  that  the  voice  of  the  sheep  can  be  heard  in  the  land 
and  the  shepherd's  crook  preserved  in  all  its  primitive 
beauty,  even  though  in  cheaper  lands  and  in  more 
favored  climes  wool  can  be  produced  and  sold  to  the 
consumer  at  a  largely  reduced  figure.  The  Republican 
party,  in  which  properly  belongs  the  plutocratic  senti- 
ment of  America,  has  failed  to  deal  successfully  or  at  all 
with  the  alarming  concentrations  of  accumulated  wealth  ; 
and  the  Democratic  party  cannot  countenance  the  cur- 
tailment of  suffrage  in  any  form,  so  that  between  the  two 
neither  question  is  treated,  and  in  fact  no  questions  at  all 
are  discussed  of  any  great  importance  on  which  there  are 
any  decided  differences  of  opinion. 

This  condition  of  things  will  continue,  and  the  people 
remain  in  a  state  of  disquietude  and  unrest  till  the 
"  Phronocratic  "  or  "  Conservative  "  party  promulgates 
its  platform,  which,  in  brief,  is  as  follows  : 

I  St.     No  taxation  shall  be  imposed  except  for  revenue. 

2d.  That  revenue  shall  be  derived  from  a  source  that 
is  least  burthensome  to  the  people  and  most  certain  to 
the  government,  which  source  is  '''^  from  property  accumu- 
lation,'' not  from  imposts,  nor  from  the  existing  system 
of  internal  taxation. 


20  I'Ol.ITICS    AM)    PROPEkTV 

3d.  Taxation  shall  be  so  applied  as  to  produce  the 
necessary  revenue  and  at  the  same  time  check  the  alarm- 
ing concentration  of  individual  wealth. 

4th.  A  man  to  be  a  voter  shall  be  able  to  read  and 
write  English  and  pay  tax  on  a  certain  amount  of 
property.  • 

5th  Foreign  immigration  of  all  Caucasian  races  of 
self-sustaining  capabilities  shall  be  encouraged. 

6th.  The  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  shall  as 
soon  as  possible  and  consistent  with  civilized  methods 
be  extended  over  the  whole  of  North  America. 

7th.  "  Nothing  shall  be  done  by  the  General  Govern- 
ment that  the  local  authorities  are  competent  to  do,  and 
nothing  by  any  governmental  power  that  individuals  can 
do  for  themselves." 

These  are  the  seven  cardinal  principles,  of  which 
number  four  should  become  the  shibboleth  of  a  new  and 
progressive  organization  to  be  called  the  "  Phronocratic 
Party"  viz.  : 

I  St.     Cumulative  Taxation. 

2d.     Electoral  Qualifications. 

3d.     North-American  Annexation. 

4th.     Anti-Centralization. 

The  party's  insignia  should  be  a  four-leaf  clover,  with 
one  of  the  above  principles  written  on  each  leaf,  and  the 
white  clover-blossom  in  the  centre  of  all. 

Its  principles  on  being  promulgated  will  at  first  be 
shouted  at  as  hostile  to  both  property  rights  and  agrarian 
preferences,  but  conservative  men  of  all  parties,  and 
especially  those  cherishing  views  hitherto  more  radical, 
will  come  to  the  conclusion  that  some  sort  of  a  compro- 
mise between  the  extreme  conditions  in  life  are  neces- 
sary and  proper. 

Property  has  rights  that  must  be  preserved  ;  and  man- 


PHRONOCRACY  21 

kind  has  complaints  that  must  not  be  ignored.  All  men 
should  be  permitted  to  possess  property  to  the  greatest  amount 
consistent  with  a  proper  and  just  compensation  for  their  abil- 
ity, their  energy,  and  their  opportunity,  and  should  contribute 
to  the  support  of  the  governmental  system  that  protects  that 
property  in  the  ratio  of  their  ability  to  contribute. 

All  men  should  be  permitted  to  participate  in  govern- 
ment who  have  attained  that  standard  of  excellence  and 
acquired  that  amount  of  property  necessary  to  a  proper 
appreciation  of  the  purposes  of  government  ;  but  not 
otherwise. 

The  name  "  Phronocratic  "  is  derived  from  the  Greek 
words  cppovioo,  I  think,  I  consider,  I  reflect,  or 
(ppoviiy  understanding,  prudence,  knowledge,  and 
Hpareiv,  to  be  strong,  or  nparo?,  strength  ;  and  is  in- 
tended to  express  an  idea  midway  between  excessive 
Plutocracy  —  from  TrAofro?,  wealth,  and  nparoi, 
strength,  into  which  state  or  condition  it  appears  as 
though  the  machinery  of  government  is  rapidly  drifting 
— and  excessive  Democracy — from  drijj.o?  and  nparo?, 
the  former  signifying  "  the  people  in  the  mass,"  and  the 
latter  "  strength,"  or  rather  "  socialism,"  towards  which, 
in  natural  hostility  to  the  control  of  the  rich,  many  con- 
servative minds  and  many  good  citizens  are  drifting  It 
appears  that  by  the  concentration  of  wealth  the  govern- 
ment will  become  irretrievably  plutocratic,  or  that  by 
reactionary  violence  or  lawlessness  it  might  become  ex- 
cessively democratic  or  socialistic. 

As  both  extremes  appear  useless,  the  compromise  is 
suggested  which  shall  be  neither  all  plutocratic  nor 
all  socialistic  ;  that  the  former  shall  be  checked  by 
the  institution  of  a  barrier  against  unreasonable  and 
useless  individual  wealth,  and  the  latter  by  a  prohibition 
against  the  exercise  of  useless  and  ridiculous  individual 


22  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

suffrage  ;  hence,  no  name  can  with  greater  propriety  be 
applied  to  the  advocates  of  the  proposed  compromise, 
and  of  the  reforms  and  features  incident  thereto,  than 
"Phronocrats,"  signifying  that  party  which  holds  to  the 
belief  that  trnderstariding,  prudence,  and  knowledge  d^xe.  the 
proper  foundations  on  which  the  government  should 
rest,  and  that  neither  Plutocracy  nor  Socialism  are  for 
the  best  interests  of  the  people  as  a  whole. 

The  plutocratic  portion  of  the  Republican  party  can 
not  accept  the  wealth-curtailing  feature  of  the  phrono- 
cratic  creed,  nor  can  the  Democratic  party  countenance 
the  qualified  ballot.  Both  these  extremes  are  ruining 
the  country.  Unrestricted  wealth  is  quite  as  reasonable 
as  unrestricted  suffrage — both  being  wrong  and  altogeth- 
er unreasonable.  There  seem  to  be  natural  and  vital 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  regulating  both  through  either  of 
the  two  great  parties,  hence  it  appears  impossible  for 
Phronocrats  to  ally  themselves  with  either  and  accom- 
plish anything  whatever.  Democrats  must  always  favor 
universal  suffrage  and  Plutocrats  must  always  cling 
to  v/ealth.  Phronocracy  is  more  democratic  than  De- 
mocracy in  its  antagonism  to  excessive  wealth,  but  less 
so  in  its  equally  reasonable  opposition  to  excessive  suf- 
frage. The  practicability  of  these  views  and  the  elabo- 
ration and  explanation  of  same  in  connection  with  other 
propositions  for  the  betterment  of  social  conditions  will 
be  discussed  in  the  following  pages. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Existing  social  conditions  objectionable — excessive  accumulations 
dangerous — Unearned  increment :  Man's  right  to  same  in  mod- 
eration— Free  Trade  and  Protection  :  America's  progress  not 
attributable  to  either — Timidity  of  Tariff-Reform  Free-Traders 
— The  Wall  policy  and  World  policy — The  American  farmers' 
illogical  position — Baneful  paternalism. 

No  reasonable  argument  having  ever  been  adduced 
against  the  rightful  possession  of  individual  property 
and  the  maintenance  of  a  governmental  system  which 
would  guarantee  its  possession  in  peaceful  and  uninter- 
rupted enjoyment  and  control,  some  people  are  disposed 
sneeringly  to  ask,  "What  do  the  masses  want?  What 
would  they  have  ?  Is  there  any  cause  for  complaint  ? 
Have  they  any  grievance  whatever?"  "Is  it,"  in  fact, 
many  ask,  "  a  detriment  to  society  that  a  few  individuals 
should  own  the  properly  of  the  world  ?  Do  not  the 
masses  receive  their  per-diem  for  their  toil,  and  with 
that  compensation  can  they  not  secure  the  actual  needs 
and  requirements  of  life  ?" 

All  men  possess  a  natural  right  to  breathe  the  air,  to 
drink  the  water,  and,  if  need  be  for  argument,  to  occupy 
the  land.  However,  civilization  and  the  occupation  by 
man  of  lands  and  climes  not  suited  to  his  primitive  con- 
ditions create  needs  and  wants  of  great  diversification, 
and,  in  man's  labor  to  supply  these  w-ants,  by  reason  of 
the  inequality  that  exists  in  the  physical  and  mental 
organization  of  man  as  an  individual  and  of  the  varied 

22 


24  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

and  unequal  conditions  to  which  he  is  unavoidably  sub- 
jected, the  possession  of  the  products  that  supply  these 
wants  becomes  unequal,  and,  as  has  been  shown,  by 
causes  entirely  natural  and  in  conformity  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  less  favored  individual. 

The  weight  of  public  opinion  must,  however,  finally 
settle  down  to  a  recognition  of  the  fact  that  the  masses 
have  a  grievance — that  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest 
number  is  not  subserved  when  the  wherewithal  to  secure 
the  desirable  things  of  life  is  possessed  by  the  least 
possible  number,  as  is  the  inevitable  result  of  things  as 
they  are  controlled  by  existing  conditions. 

The  most  cogent  agent  in  producing  excessive 
accumulations  is  the  wealth  represented  by  the  "  Un- 
earned Increment."  Where  enterprises  are  monopolistic 
in  their  nature — that  is,  such  as  are  practically  exempt 
from  the  effects  of  competition,  as  is  the  case  with  most 
railways  and  highways,  canals  and  waterways,  the  un- 
earned increments  grow  to  colossal  proportions  in  any 
prosperous  state  ;  but  in  such  enterprises  as  represent 
the  ordinary  trade  and  traffic  of  the  world — that  is,  the 
butcher,  the  baker,  and  the  candlestick-maker,  where 
competition  is  spirited  and  universal,  the  unearned  in- 
crement is  of  no  considerable  importance.  This  element 
of  increase  resulting  from  the  stimulated  patronage  or 
demand  of  the  people,  is  caused  by  increasing  population, 
and  is  especially  noticeable  and  striking  in  the  United 
States  of  America,  where  towns  and  cities  grow  up  as 
rapidly  as  the  flowers  of  the  tropics  ;  where  the  iron  rail 
is  close  in  the  wake  of  the  buffalo's  trail,  and  where  the 
hoot  of  the  owl  and  the  screech  of  the  wildcat  scarce 
cease  to  echo  in  the  jungles  of  the  forest  till  the  whole 
is  ablaze  with  electric  illumination.  To  deny  man's 
right  to  become  possessed  of  the  value  resulting  from 


PHRONOCRACY  25 

unearned  increment  is  tantamount  to  a  denial  of  man's 
right  to  property  in  the  abstract ;  for,  if  entitled  to 
possession  at  all,  he  has  as  just  a  right  to  the  good,  or 
such  as  will  and  does  profit  by  unearned  increment,  as 
to  the  bad,  which  might  and  does  become  still  worse  by 
abandonment  and  decay.  Before  any  party  for  the 
furtherance  of  any  of  the  proposed  systems  of  reform 
can  assume  any  magnitude,  the  question  of  Free  Trade 
and  Protection,  in  America,  must  be  thoroughly  threshed 
out.  For  years,  party  lines  have  divided  on  this  all- 
important  issue.  America  has  progressed  beyond  the 
wildest  dream  of  its  most  enthusiastic  citizens.  It  has 
grown  in  population,  in  wealth,  and  in  power  faster  than 
the  fires  of  its  prairies  can  sweep  the  autumnal  grass 
from  its  limitless  plains  ;  there  seems  to  be  no  bounds 
to  its  possibilities,  no  limit  to  the  ambition  of  its  citizens, 
and  no  measure  to  their  vanity — no  shrine  at  which  they 
will  consent  to  worship  and  no  king  before  whom  they 
will  bow.  They  appear  to  be  ready  to  wrestle  with  the 
angels  and  to  command  the  lightning  of  the  sky,  and 
should  one  of  Glory's  brightest  suns  that  ever  shone  in 
the  meridians  of  heaven  descend  from  his  lofty  eminence 
arrayed  in  all  his  '  celestial  attire,  they  would  be 
anxious  to  contest  and  contend  with  him  for  the 
superiority  of  their  plans  and  the  excellence  of  their 
systems. 

Though  owning,  in  1890,  that  part  of  North  America, 
from  the  Mexican  Gulf  to  the  northern  lakes,  and  from 
the  restless  waters  of  the  Atlantic  to  the  golden  shores 
of  the  Pacific,  yet  the  grand  old  American  Eagle,  the 
emblem  of  liberty  and  power,  is  fancifully  pictured  at  no 
far  future  day  to  stand  with  his  feet  perched  upon  the 
ferruginous  mountains  of  Missouri — soon  to  be  the  centre 
of  population  and  power — with  his  pinions  outspread,  lash- 


26  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

ing  the  billows  of  both  oceans,  his  beak  plunged  into  the 
frozen  waters  of  the  Arctic  Zone,  his  tail  winnowing  the 
waves  of  the  Carribbean  Sea,  with  a  hundred  million 
people  marshalled  in  the  holy  cause  of  liberty,  pursuing 
countless  diversified  occupations  in  fraternity  and  peace. 

All  this  is  by  some  attributed  to  that  policy  of  protec- 
tion to  home  industry  that  has  been  instituted  from  the 
necessary  imposition  of  an  almost  prohibitory  tariff  as  a 
means  of  securing  a  revenue  for  the  suppression  of  the 
Rebellion  of  iS6r,  and  the  liquidation  of  the  debts  in- 
curred by  reason  thereof — a  most  stupid  eri-or.  The 
country  has  progressed,  not  by  reason,  but  in  spite  of, 
protection,  as  has  been  maintained,  pending  the  exhaust- 
less  controversies  and  debates  on  the  subject,  and  as  will 
be  proven  when,  after  a  material  reduction,  and  finally 
the  complete  extirpation  of  the  fallacy,  things  still  move 
on  as  they  will  move.  The  delay  in  the  destruction  of 
the  system  is  prolonged  by  the  foolish  persistence  of  the 
laboring  classes,  in  spite  not  only  of  theoretical  but 
practical  demonstrations,  in  the  belief  that  therein  is  a 
remedy  for  their  grievances  ;  in  other  words,  that  a  sys- 
tem that  causes  food  and  raiment  to  be  dearer,  and 
which  tends  to  increase  and  centralize  the  wealth  of  the 
country,  can  and  will  alleviate  their  pangs.  That  such 
monstrous  and  appalling  stupidity  could  obtain  in  the 
minds  of  the  masses  is  beyond  the  ken  of  the  few  who 
fully  appreciated  the  enormity  of  the  error. 

That  designing  politicians  should  prey  upon  the  igno- 
rance of  the  people,  or  that  corrupt  and  inordinately 
vicious  propagandists  should  become  the  mercenary 
tools  of  the  few  who  have  been  profiting  by  the  system, 
is  not  especially  surprising,  but  is  baneful  and  pernicious. 

Figures  and  statistics  have  been  piled  mountain  high  by 
the  advocates  of  both  sides  in  the  controversy.    The  fact 


PHRONOCRACY  2/ 

that  the  country  has  progressed  results  to  the  advantage 
of  the  protectionist,  and  to  such  an  extent  that  for  many 
years  the  other  party,  that  really  favors  throwing  off  the 
yoke,  has  been  obliged,  either  from  motives  of  policy  or 
has  consented  from  promptings  of  timidity,  to  appear 
before  the  country  in  a  false  and  ridiculous  attitude. 
One  side  cries  protection  for  the  sake  of  protection,  and 
consistently  maintains  its  position  by  so-called  argu- 
ments directed  to  its  support,  thus  perpetuating  its 
ascendancy  and  the  continuance  of  the  system  ;  and  the 
other  party,  composed  of  men  utterly  hostile  to  the  prin- 
ciple of  protection,  and  who  know  that  its  effects  are 
injurious  and  necessarily  discriminating — who  are  in  favor 
of  no  tax,  save  for  revenue,  and  that  from  the  source  least 
burthensome  to  the  people  and  most  certain  to  the  gov- 
ernment, for  want  of  bold  and  vigorous  leadership  mildly 
pose  before  the  public  with  dulcet  muttering, — sweet, 
sugar-coated  pellets,  to  the  effect  that  they  are  not  free- 
traders— oh,  no, — but  "  Tariff  Reformers  "  ;  that  protec- 
tion is  a  good  thing,  but  we  want  just  a  little  less  of  it. 
If  it  is  a  goo*^  thing,  the  people  naturally  conclude  that 
they  wish  not  less  but  more  of  it,  and  if  a  bad  thing, 
then  they  want  none  of  it  at  all,  save  for  such  a  period 
as  would  be  prudent  to  effect  the  speediest  conservative 
change.  The  country  requires,  of  course,  a  certain 
amount  of  revenue,  and  even  the  outspoken  free-trader 
cannot  for  some  time  advocate  the  total  abolition  of 
imposts,  for  the  reason  that  he  cannot  conceive  of  any 
other  source  from  which  to  derive  the  much-needed 
revenue,  and  from  which  more  than  half  that  now  col- 
lected is  obtained  ;  dut  Phronocracy  points  out  the 
source.  Finally,  revenue  will  again  begin  to  be  col- 
lected largely  in  excess  of  the  wants  of  the  govern- 
ment prudently  administered.     The  public  indebtedness 


28  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

will  become  greatly  reduced — even  brought  in  at  a  pre- 
mium— pensions  will  begin,  after  the  most  unreasonable 
and  astounding  increase,  also  to  decline,  and  it  will  be 
found  to  be  absolutely  imperative  that  taxation  should 
be  reduced,  or  the  earnings  of  the  country  will  be  need- 
lessly absorbed  by  the  government  to  lie  dormant  in  its 
treasury,  a  temptation  to  extravagant  and  vicious  legisla- 
tion, or  be  by  some  means  redistributed  among  the 
people.  It  appears  to  be  idle  folly  to  collect  a  fund 
simply  that  it  may  be  again  distributed. 

The  best  distribution  is  that  which  exists  before  there 
is  any  contribution.  Finally,  even  the  strongest  protec- 
tionists will  be  obliged  to  yield  to  popular  clamor  for 
reduced  taxation.  They  will  doubtless  begin  by  curtail- 
ing internal  revenues,  then  by  small  reductions  on  such 
articles  as  it  is  thought  cannot  be  produced  in  the 
country — a  ridiculous  condition  of  governmental  stu- 
pidity. An  article  that  cannot  be  made  at  home  can  be 
bought  by  the  consumer  in  the  world's  cheapest  markets  ; 
but  if  there  is  a  remote  expectation  of  domestic  pro- 
duction, the  consumer  must  pay  tribute  to'' some  favored 
manufacturer. 

The  question  of  free  trade  and  protection,  unvexed 
by  statistical  information,  finally  resolves  itself  into  the 
following  : 

Shall  governments,  like  individuals,  pursue  and  en- 
courage such  avocations  as  are  most  fittingly  suited  to 
their  natural  adaptabilities  and  conditions,  or  shall  they 
not  ?  It  has  been  long  since  determined  that  the  price 
of  labor  is  and  can  only  be  regulated  by  supply  and  de- 
mand ;  that  if  labor  could  be  consolidated  into  trades 
unions  and  assemblies,  none  of  the  individuals  thereof 
consenting  to  supply  his  labor  for  less  than  a  certain 
compensation,  a  certain   price  could  be  secured,  or  by 


1M1KC;\(JCRACV  29 

reason  ot  a  demand  in  excess  of  supply  an  increase 
could  be  demanded  and  obtained,  but  not  otherwise, 
and  this  temporarily  only.  The  thinking  portion  of 
laboring  men  have  begun  to  understand  that  legislation 
cannot  supply  what  legitimate  demand  does  not  war- 
rant ;  that  the  only  way  they  can  maintain  a  high  rate  of 
wages  is  to  curtail  the  supply,  not  to  increase  the  duty 
on  the  products  of  labor.  If  ten  thousand  men  should 
be  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  clothes,  and  the  in- 
dustry in  which  they  were  employed  was  the  only  one  in 
the  country  in  which  they  lived,  is  there  any  laboring 
man  so  daft  as  to  conclude  that  if  the  tariff  on  cloths 
was  doubled  the  price  of  their  wages  would  be  doubled 
"f  their  employer  could  possibly  secure  operatives  for 
less  ?  All  such  conclusions  are  unnatural  and  prepos- 
terous, and  it  will  soon  be  obvious  to  all  wage  earners 
that  the  price  of  labor  is  controlled,  like  the  price  of 
everything  else,  by  supply  and  demand  only.  It  is  use- 
less, therefore,  to  expect  from  legislation  any  alleviation 
of  the  condition  of  labor  that  does  not  control  the 
demand  and  supply  of  that  labor.  It  is  likewise  useless 
to  expect  to  curtail  the  supply  save  by  that  questionably 
efficacious  method — organization.  Tariffs  will  never 
reach  it. 

How  ridiculous  is  the  proposition  that  seeks  to  main- 
tain the  price  of  labor  by  instituting  a  prohibition  against 
the  products  of  labor,  and  yet  invites  that  labor  itself, 
freely  and  without  restraint. 

Is  a  laboring  man  any  the  less  formidable  and  com- 
petitive because  he  works  directly  at  the  elbow  of  another, 
than  he  is  if  he  labors  three  thousand  miles  away  ?  Is 
he  not  rather  more  competitive  to  the  extent  of  the  cost 
of  the  transportation  of  the  article  he  produces  ?  Then 
why  should  a  laboring  man  argue  for  protection  against 


30  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

the  products  of  labor  ?  It  is  a  barren  ideality,  it  is  simply 
illusory  and  absurd. 

Protection,  therefore,  against  the  products  of  labor 
tends  only  to  increase  their  cost  to  the  consumer,  giving 
the  increased  price  as  an  item  of  profit  to  the  protected 
manufacturer,  not  as  a  means  of  increasing  the  price  of 
labor,  which,  be  it  again  asserted  in  defiance  of  disproof, 
can  be  effected  only  by  curtailing  of  supply  or  increase 
of  demand. 

Why  is  the  relative  price  of  labor,  in  1890,  in  the  Em- 
pire of  Germany — a  highly  protected  country — less  than 
the  same  in  free-trade  England,  unless  because  the  de- 
mand for  labor  in  proportion  to  the  supply  is  less  ? 
These  facts  will  be,  as  time  progresses,  fully  appreciated 
by  the  laboring  masses  who  have  for  years  been  mis- 
guided by  the  enticing  and  pleasant  sound  of  the  cabal- 
istic word  ''Protection." 

It  will  finally  be  admitted  by  the  advocates  of  the 
system  that  there  never  was  any  justification  for  their 
policy  save  in  "  national  independence,"  that  is,  as  the 
free-traders  always  affirmed,  there  is  one  argument  and 
only  one — national  independence.  Statistics  and  figures 
are  produced  and  information  obtained  to  show  that 
certain  benefits  have  resulted  in  certain  periods  during 
whicli  the  policy  has  prevailed,  but  never  has  man  been 
able  to  prove  that  the  same  or  greater  results  might  not 
have  been  achieved  had  the  contrary  policy  been  adopted. 
Volumes  have  been  and  may  yet  be  written,  but  finally 
it  will  be  admitted  that  there  never  was  any  good  argu- 
ment for  protection  save  that  of  national  indepen- 
dence. All  others  have  a  retro-active  effect.  If  the  same 
protection  be  granted  to  every  individual  in  a  country, 
that  is,  say  for  example,  twenty  per  cent,  on  everybody's 
products,  the  result  would  be  that  in  fact  no  one  would 


PHRONOCRACY  3 I 

be  protected,  because  he  would  be  obliged  to  pay  as  much 
more  for  everything  he  used  as  his  protection  amounted 
to  ;  hence,  he  had  as  well,  in  common  with  his  fellows, 
exist  without  any.  Therefore,  if  universal  protection 
would  be  tantamount,  to  no  protection  at  all,  how  can 
partial  protection  be  anything  else  than  rank  discrimi- 
nation ?  In  other  words,  if  out  of  one  thousand  pursuits, 
in  the  prosecution  of  which  the  population  of  a  country 
is  engaged,  one  hundred  are  protected,  it  follows  neces- 
sarily that  the  price  of  the  products  of  these  favored  few 
will  be  enhanced  to  the  extent  of  that  protection  until 
domestic  competition  reduces  the  said  price  to  within  a 
reasonable  limit  of  gain.  Then,  during  this  interval,  the 
consumer  has  paid  a  premium  for  his  goods  that  he  might 
otherwise  have  saved.  What  has  he  received  in  return 
for  that  outlay  ? — an  industry  or  say  ten  industries.  Is 
there  any  absolute  proof  that  the  United  States  would 
not  have  secured  these  industries  in  any  case,  even  had 
the  protective  duty  not  been  imposed  ? 

There  is  no  possible  argument  in  favor  of  developing 
an  industry  at  home  if  the  cost  of  that  development  is 
greater  than  the  value  of  the  industry  to  the  country. 

If  the  United  States  of  America  were  so  constituted 
by  natural  position,  agricultural  conditions,  and  climatic 
influences  as  to  be  able  to  produce  Indian  corn,  cotton, 
and  wheat  only,  and  that  they  could  produce  these  arti- 
cles cheaper  than  any  other  nation,  would  it  not  be  a 
wise  and  frugal  policy  for  the  population  to  engage  in 
these  productions  and  exchange  their  crops  for  the  vari- 
ous other  articles  of  human  requirements,  or  rather  to 
sell  and  then  to  buy,  than  to  tax  their  people  for  the  im- 
portation of  these  articles,  so  that  an  unnatural  industry 
could  be  developed  at  home  ?  Certainly  this  would  be 
economy,  frugality,  and  general  good  policy,  provided 


32  POLITICS    AND    PROPER'l'V 

there  was  an  absolute  assurance  that  the  various  needs 
of  human  life  that  were  produced  by  outside  countries 
could  always  be  obtained.  If  a  man  can  always  buy 
boots  from  a  bootmaker,  why  should  he  bother  about 
learning  to  produce  them  himself  at  a  greater  cost  ?  If  a 
country  cannot  naturally  produce  grapes  by  reason  of 
the  rigors  of  its  climate,  why  should  it  tax  its  people  so 
that  some  individual  should  be  enabled  to  produce  them 
under  unnatural  and  consequently  more  expensive  con- 
ditions, making  the  price  more  than  they  could  be  bought 
for  from  lands  and  climes  where  their  cultivation  is  in 
conformity  with  natural  and  consequently  cheaper  pro- 
duction ? 

For  years  protectionists  have  supported  their  policies 
by  presenting  to  the  people  an  endless  array  of  statistical 
information  going  to  show  that  from  iS6o  to  1880  the 
population  had  increased  to  such  and  such  proportions, 
and  that  since  only  a  certain  part  thereof  has  been  de- 
rived from  immigration,  it  necessarily  follows  that  pro- 
tection also  gives  a  marvellous  stimulus  to  the  fecundity 
of  American  wives.  They  have  submitted  data  to  show 
that  factories  have  increased  and  multiplied  ;  that  rail- 
ways have  been  extended  into  remote  sections  of  the 
country — in  a  word,  that  the  sun  has  cast  his  benign  and 
life-giving  rays  upon  their  continent,  that  the  clouds  have 
wept  over  their  three  million  square  miles  of  arable 
land — all  attributable  to  protection.  Such  high-sound- 
ing platitudes,  however,  will  ere  long  spend  their  force 
and  the  populace  will  begin  to  inquire,  "Would  it  not 
have  been  so  under  any  other  j)olicy  ?  " 

From  statistics  the  other,  or  free-lraders-under-the^ 
bushel  party,  are  able  to  show  that  during  periods  ante- 
rior to  the  great  internecine  struggle,  when  comparatively 
no  protection  existed,  a  greater  amount  of  territory  was 


riiRoxocRAc'V  33 

added  to  tlic  public  domain,  an  equal,  and  in  some 
respects  a  greater,  proportionate  augmentation  of  both 
wealth  and  population  was  secured,  and  an  equal  labor 
remuneration  paid,  than  under  any  era  of  high  protective 
duties.  So  that  the  votaries  of  each  policy  must  substan- 
tially assume  the  following  diametrically  opposite  position 
without  any  evasion,  conciliation,  or  compromise  : 

I  St.  That  if  protection  is  good  then  prohibition,  which 
would  be  the  perfection  of  protection,  would  be  better. 

2d.  If  reduced  duties  on  imports  is  good,  then  free 
trade,  which  is  the  perfection  of  said  reduction,  would 
be  better. 

Hence,  therefore,  the  people  may  soon  be  obliged  to 
choose  between  two  ultra  alternatives,  the  one  of  com- 
plete commercial  isolation  from  the  outside  world,  or  the 
Chinese-Wall  policy,  as  it  should  be  called,  and  the 
other  unrestricted  contact  with  the  entire  outside  world, 
or  the  "  World  "  policy,  as  it  should  be  called.  Tersely 
presented  to  the  people,  there  will  be  the  "  Wall "  policy 
and  the  ''"World"  policy.  There  is  no  argument  that 
can  be  presented  in  favor  of  the  "  Wall"  policy  except 
that  of  national  independence  ;  all  others  are  sophisti- 
cal, easily  refuted,  and  almost  absurd. 

They  react  upon  each  other  and,  of  course,  render 
null  any  effect.  We  must  tax  our  people,  it  is  urged,  to 
build  up  within  our  wall  industries  that  will  supply  all 
our  civilized  and  daily  increasing  wants  ;  for,  notwith- 
standing the  great  improvement  in  facilities  for  the 
navigation  of  the  sea,  and  the  increasing  sources  from 
which  people  can  buy,  yet,  there  may  come  a  time  when 
the  supply  will  be  cut  off  and  we  will  be  left  in  a  state  of 
lingering  chagrin,  with  a  redundance  of  wealth  but  no 
opportunity  to  exchange  it  for  our  diversified  wants. 

The  "  World  "-policy  advocates  claim  that  such  argu- 
3 


34  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

ments  are  jejune  and  visionary  ;  that  it  has  long  since 
been  demonstrated  that  wherever  there  existed  a  demand 
there  would  come  a  supply  ;  that  when  conditions  are 
ripe,  fitting,  and  appropriate,  all  industries  would  come 
without  the  artificial  and  unreliable  stimulus  of  pro- 
hibitory legislation,  and  even  if  not  that,  there  are  two 
essential  elements  of  profit  or  gain  :  one  is  to  buy  cheap 
and  the  other  to  sell  high — goods  well  bought  are  half 
sold, — and  that  there  is  no  more  reason  or  sound  sense 
in  instituting  a  system  under  and  by  reason  of  which  the 
people  are  excluded  from  the  cheapest  markets  in  which 
to  buy — one  of  the  essential  elements  of  gain, — than 
there  would  be  in  the  imposition  of  a  similar  prohibition 
against  exportation,  thus  excluding  them  from  a  good 
market  in  which  to  sell — the  other  essential  element  of 
profit  and  gain. 

It  is  an  undeniable  principle  of  nature  that  one  thing 
cannot  be  artificially  builded  up  unless  another  thing  is 
correspondingly  torn  down.  Hence,  in  protecting  the 
classes  there  must  be  oppression  to  the  masses. 

If,  therefore,  natural  competition  is  interfered  with, 
and  by  schemes  of  legislation  one  man  or  one  set  of  men 
are  enabled  to  acquire  for  their  product  20  per  cent, 
more  than  the  price  at  which  it  could  be  secured  in  the 
world's  open  market,  it  is  a  direct  gain  to  him  or  them  ; 
but  must  be  a  corresponding  loss  to  some  other  man  or 
set  of  men,  or  nature  has  gone  crosswise  and  twice  two 
have  ceased  to  be  four.  The  only  undetermined  link  in 
the  chain  is,  in  what  respect  has  the  second  man  been 
recompensed  for  his  loss  ?  If  to  the  full  extent  of  the 
other  man's  gain,  then  the  conditions  are  equalized  and 
there  was  never  any  use  for  the  protection  originally — 
the  books  balance.  If  he  has  not  been  adequately  and 
fully  recompensed,  then  an  injustice  has  been  forced 
upon  him,  and  the  system  that  forces  it  is  wrong. 


PHRONOCRACY  35 

It  has  been  discovered  that  all  the  masses  receive 
consequent  upon  the  protection  to  the  classes  is  a  kind 
of  mushroom  growth  of  industries.  Those  that  are 
sufficiently  well  founded  could  have  existed  without  it 
and  will  exist  when  it  is  abolished.  The  fungus  growth 
will  soon  perish,  but  on  their  ruins  will  soon  be  erected 
sufficient  of  every  description  to  compete  successfully 
with  the  producers  of  the  world.  It  is  found  that  the 
consuming  masses  pay  in  increased  prices  to  the  pro- 
tected classes  fully  ten  times  as  much  as  the  industries 
created  are  worth  to  the  country,  and  in  all  cases  until 
home  competition  forces  prices  down  to  within  a  reason- 
able limit  of  gain,  which  usually  requires  years,  the 
protected  classes  pocket  the  major  part  of  this  excess. 
It  is  found  that  a  rolling-mill  or  foundry  that  can 
produce  10,000  tons  of  merchant's  iron  per  year  can 
easily  be  erected  for  $200,000.  The  average  price  of 
its  product  for  the  twenty  years  intervening  from  1S70 
to  1S90  is  found  to  be  about  forty  dollars  per  ton,  repre- 
senting a  business  of  $400,000  annually,  or  $8,ooo,coo 
for  the  entire  twenty  years.  By  comparison,  the  price  of 
the  product  to  the  domestic  commoner  above  that  which 
he  would  have  paid  in  competitive  markets  of  the  outer 
world  has  been  fully  25  per  cent.,  representing  $2,000,- 
000  outlay  for  a  plant  costing  only  $200,000.  For  years 
the  laborer  has  been  misguided  into  the  belief  that  this 
tremendous  excess  was  paid  out  to  him  in  increased 
rates  of  wages,  but  recently  the  scales  have  fallen  from 
his  eyes,  and  he  sees  that  his  employer  obtains  operators 
wherever  he  can  get  them  cheapest  ;  that  whilst  the 
product  of  the  manufacturer  is  protected  the  laborers  of 
the  world  can  come  in  free  ;  that  the  only  way  he  can 
succeed  in  maintaining  a  higher  rate  of  wages  is  by 
organized  unions  and  consequent  avoidance  of  competi- 


36  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

tion,  which  for  years,  while  skilled  mechanics  were 
scarce,  has  worked  to  good  advantage,  but  now  and  for 
the  future,  by  the  very  stimulus  that  the  protectionists 
claim  is  making  the  laborer  rich,  there  is  and  will 
be  allured  from  continental  Europe,  from  China,  from 
India  and  Japan,  hoards  of  competitive  operators  that 
would  otherwise  have  remained  in  the  lands  of  their 
sires.  So  that  the  very  thing  that  is  falsely  claimed  as  a 
protection  to  labor,  by  prohibiting  its  products,  results 
in  the  virtual  ruination  of  good  wages  by  bringing  to 
the  country  thousands  of  competitive  operatives. 

Looking  at  the  case  from  the  standpoint  of  reason,  it 
appears  incredible  that  the  laboring  men  have  been  so 
long  gulled  and  betrayed  by  so  palpable  a  delusion. 

Why  could  they  not  see  that  protection  against  foreign 
products  could  only  result  in  keeping  out  these  products, 
consequently  causing  the  price  to  be  high,  and  that  in- 
viting, as  this  allurement  does,  the  labor  of  the  world, 
could  only  result  in  increasing  labor  competition  and  in 
making  wages  low  ? 

Such  protection  is  like  holding  a  glittering  tinsel 
before  the  eyes  of  a  baby  ;  it  stretches  out  its  arms  and 
cries  for  it,  even  though  you  tell  it  that  it  is  hot,  because 
a  baby  has  not  sense  enough  to  know  that  a  hot  thing 
will  burn. 

So  with  the  laborer  and  protection.  Equally  senseless, 
and  if  possible  more  thoroughly  inexplicable,  is  the  posi- 
tion so  long  persistently  maintained  by  the  American 
farmers,  who,  in  1S90,  numbered  nearly  one  half  of  the 
population  of  the  country.  This  class  of  citizens,  usually 
prudent  and  frugal,  are  supposed  to  consider  and  sup- 
port measures  tending  to  the  public  good,  but  for  years, 
whilst  being  compelled  to  sell  their  wheat  and  their  corn 
in  competition   with  the  producers   of  the  world,  they 


T'HROXOCRACY  37 

have  blindly  supported  protection  in  many  localities, 
apparently  preferring  to  pay  an  increased  price  for  their 
implements  rather  than  to  be  able  to  secure  them  in  the 
markets  in  which  they  are  forced  to  sell  their  crops  ;  in 
other  words,  they  sell  in  the  competitive  what  is  neces- 
sarily the  cheapest,  and  buy  in  the  protected  which 
is  necessarily  the  dearest  market  ;  hence,  as  an  inevitable 
result,  the  mortgages  on  farms  are  in  many  cases  thicker 
than  the  soil  itself — almost  as  thick  as  the  skulls  of  the 
mortgagors.  However,  it  is  not  so  much  stupidity  as 
prejudice  that  causes  such  anomalous  associations  in 
political  affairs. 

A  Northern  farmer  had  been  a  Republican  during  the 
war  when  he  favored  the  preservation  of  the  Union  ; 
how  could  he  now  march  under  any  other  banner,  it 
matters  not  how  much  opposed  to  his  interests  present 
Republican  policies  may  be  ? 

Opinions  and  associations  are  oftener  the  result  of 
prejudices  and  passion  than  of  reflection  and  reason  ; 
hence  great  reforms  are  more  frequently  accomplished 
by  the  thunder  of  guns  and  the  glistening  of  swords  than 
by  the  peaceful  processes  of  reflection  and  thought. 
However,  the  days  of  bloodshed  consequent  upon  politi- 
cal or  religious  differences  have  long  since  been  past ; 
yet  many  men  Avho  honestly  believe  that  the  continuation 
of  protection  principles  and  policies  are  prejudicial,  if 
not  almost  fatal,  to  the  good  of  the  greatest  number  of 
the  people,  act  as  though  they  would  rather  face  the 
muzzle  of  a  dynamite  gun  than  to  affiliate  with  the  party 
calling  itself  Democratic,  even  though  the  position  of 
that  party  and  the  propositions  of  its  platforms  should 
be  identically  harmonious  with  their  personal  opinions  as 
to  present  federal  policies,  and  it  will  not  be  until  the 
new  prganizatjori  called  "  Phronocratic  or  Conservative" 


38  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

possesses  men's  affiliation  and  support  that  the  hitherto 
Republicans  of  anti-protection  sympathies  will  begin  to 
vote  at  all  for  their  individual  interests.  To  this  organi- 
zation also  should  be  subsequently  added  the  most 
progressive  and  liberal  of  the  plutocratic  class  and  the 
most  responsible  and  conservative  of  the  rankest  Demo- 
cratic or  socialistic  class. 

The  growth  of  the  organization  may  be  as  slow  as  its 
methods  are  conservative,  but  its  foundation  will  be  as 
solid  as  its  professions  are  sound.  The  changing  opin- 
ions of  the  country  as  to  the  principle  of  protection  will 
result  simply  in  uprooting  an  old  and  worn-out  prejudice, 
and  will  be  a  step  in  the  direction  of  the  greater  reforms 
that  may  follow.  Its  most  valuable  effect,  aside  from  its 
influence  on  commerce,  which  will  be  shown  by_  its 
results,  will  be  to  pave  the  way  for  the  victory  that  will 
finally  establish  ineradicably  the  principle  that  ail  pater- 
nalism in  government  is  baneful  and  pernicious  and 
hostile  to  the  perpetuity  of  republican  institutions,  ex- 
cept that  interference  and  safeguard  which  will  prevent 
an  unreasonable  and  unwarranted  concentration  of  indi- 
vidual wealth  and  vouchsafe  to  property  moderately 
possessed  increased  security,  stability,  and  force. — Such 
is  I'hronocracy. 


I 


CHAPTER  III. 

Necessity  for  relief  from  monopoly — Government  control  of  monopo- 
listic enterprises  ;  objections  thereto — Inefficiency  of  most  gov- 
ernmental management — Governmental  control  of  all  business — 
Greater  objection  thereto  and  the  impracticability  thereof — 
Differences  in  human  excellence  must  be  recognized — Support 
government  from  excessive  individual  accumulations — Evil  effects 
of  certain  restrictive  legislation — Socialistic  schools. 

The  questions  of  free  trade  and  protection  having 
been  briefly  discussed,  and  the  inadequacy  of  the  preva- 
lence of  cither  theory  for  the  proper  adjustment  and 
regulation  of  social  affairs  and  wants  being  admitted,  it 
is  clear  that  other  and  greater  remedies  must  be  applied 
to  bring  about  that  improvement  in  social  affairs  that 
appears  to  be  suggested  in  the  interest  of  humanity  and 
demanded  as  a  check  to  monopolistic  power.  The 
proposition  that  the  government  should  own  and  operate 
the  enterprises  of  the  country  that  are  by  nature  monopo- 
listic, such  as  railways,  highways,  canals,  and  waterways, 
now  comes  up  for  consideration. 

The  principal  reason  for  the  advocacy  of  this  proposi- 
tion appears  to  lie  in  the  fact  that  out  of  these  enterprises 
has  been  derived  the  most  colossal  accumulations,  and 
that  the  only  possible  remedy  is  to  absorb  those  accumu- 
lations by  government  or  to  so  cheapen  the  price  of  the 
service  they  render  as  to  make  them  simply  self- 
sustaining,  as  one  of  the  parts  of  the  governmental 
machine. 

3<> 


40  POLITICS    AND    I'l'^npERTY 

Ab  initio,  there  need  never  exist  any  government 
whatever  if  the  passions  and  propensities  of  men  could 
be  otherwise  controlled. 

If  all  human  beings  were  philosophers  of  the  intel- 
lectual depth,  breadth,  and  scope  of  the  most  erudite 
and  profound  of  the  existing  sages  of  the  earth,  there 
would  be  no  possible  need  of  government — all  would 
exist  in  peace  and  harmony  without ;  but  each  individual 
might  be  obliged  to  perform  his  own  manual  labor,  his 
equally  cultured  compeers  being  unwilling  to  serve.  The 
fact  is,  however,  and,  fortunately,  always  will  be,  that  all 
men  will  not  become  philosophers  ;  that  if  all  were  at 
birth  capable  of  becoming  such,  accidents,  incidents, 
and  occurrences  of  human  life  will  absolutely  prevent. 

Hence,  there  will  be,  as  there  should  be,  hewers  of 
wood  and  drawers  of  water,  unless  the  world  and  its  be- 
longings are  entirely  changed.  The  most  trivial  circum- 
stance will  frequently  change  the  current  of  a  man's 
whole  life,  so  that  he  who  by  heredity  might  have  pos- 
sessed the  material  and  intuitions  for  a  philosophic 
development  may  have  been  diverted  by  an  unfortuitous 
combination  of  human  events  into  some  channel  that 
would  cause  him  to  be  a  border-ruffian,  a  barbarian,  or 
the  cook  of  a  ship. 

Government  is  not  the  most  desirable  institution  of 
which  one  could  conceive,  for  its  very  existence  depends 
upon  a  certain  sacrifice  of  the  inherent  rights  of  the  in- 
dividual to  the  state  for  the  well-being  of  the  whole — for 
the  better  guaranty  of  social  order.  A  thing  or  an  institu- 
tion, therefore,  that  in  itself  involves  a  sacrifice  is  not  a 
thing  the  influence  and  scope  of  which  we  should  desire 
to  enlarge  and  extend  to  the  utmost  possible  limit,  but 
such  as  we  should  v/ish  to  diminish  and  curtail  to  within 
the  narrowest  possible  sphere.      Not  the  greatest  possible 


PHRONOCRACV  41 

restraint  consistent  with  human  endurance,  but  the 
greatest  possible  liberty  consistent  with  social  order  is 
the  true  principle  of  government  ;  and  the  greater  the 
social  order  and  domestic  tranquillity  that  naturally 
pervades  the  social  institutions,  the  less  the  necessity 
for  government  and  the  more  liberal  its  functions  may 
become. 

If,  therefore,  government  is  an  incubus  on  society,  a 
thing  to  be  shunned  not  sought,  and  which  is  tolerable 
not  because  of  its  attractiveness,  but  of  its  necessity, 
why  should  the  scope  of  government  be  unnecessarily 
enlarged  ? 

People  yield  to  the  state  certain  of  their  individual 
liberties,  and  by  so  doing  cramp  their  individual  freedom 
and  desires,  yet  it  is  thought  better  to  yield  something  so 
as  with  greater  certainty  to  retain  the  rest.  That  policy, 
therefore,  which  seeks  to  yield  the  most  is  much  more  in 
conflict  with  domestic  civil  liberty  than  that  which  yields 
the  least.  Governments  are  administered  by  human  in- 
dividuals, and  in  times  gone  by  those  individuals  were 
thought  to  be  akin  to  the  Divine. 

Now,  however,  when  all  just  power  is  believed  to  be 
derived  from  the  consent  of  the  governed  it  follows  as  a 
necessary  corollary  that  those  who  are  governed  least  are 
governed  best.  Formerly  a  potentate  or  king,  for  mo- 
tives and  desires  wholly  his  own  and  for  his  personal 
aggrandizement  and  power,  could  levy  imposts  and 
collect  taxes — even  confiscate  private  property  for  indi- 
vidual gain.  Now  there  exists  no  civilized  state  in  which 
the  powers  of  the  king  are  not  ia  a  manner  prescribed, 
and  ere  long,  as  in  America,  the  king  will  be  simply  a 
creation  of  the  people — an  instrument  to  perform  certain 
duties  in  conformity  with  their  will.  Since  the  evident 
tendency  of  civilized  life  is  toward  the  system  which 


42  P()LITir.S    AND    I'ROPERTY 

yields  the  least  possible  prerogative  to  the  state  or  the 
king,  how  could  the  grievances  of  the  body  politic  be  in 
any  degree  assuaged  by  enlarging  the  scope  of  govern- 
mental power  ? 

The  argument  in  its  support  is  that  thus  the  govern- 
ment would  become  the  distributor  of  accumulated 
wealth  and  would  deal  it  out  to  the  people  either  directly 
by  the  apportionment  of  so  much  to  a  certain  locality  or 
state,  or  by  operating  enterprises  monopolistic  in  their 
nature  at  comparatively  no  charge.  Here  very  naturally 
arises  the  question,  what  are  monopolistic  enterprises 
and  what  are  not  ? 

If  the  government  is  to  own  and  operate  railways 
throughout  the  country  at  large,  why  not  the  tramways 
in  the  municipal  streets  ?  If  the  telegraphic,  why  not  the 
telephonic,  wires  ;  if  the  canals,  why  not  all  country 
roads  ;  if  waterways  in  general,  why  not  municipal 
water-work  systems  ?  If  wires  for  the  transmission  of 
electricity  for  intercommunication,  why  not  for  light, 
heat,  and  power  ;  if  water  mains,  why  not  gas  mains,  and 
if  gas  and  water  mains,  why  not  oil  mains  ;  and  if  oper- 
ating all  systems  of  communication  and  transportation, 
why  not  the  steamships  on  the  ocean,  the  boats  on  inland 
rivers  and  lakes  ;  and  thus,  with  a  precedent  once  es- 
tablished, what  might  the  government  not  do  with  equal 
reason  and  justification?  It  is  obvious  that  the  matter 
would  ultimately  resolve  itself  into  a  multiplicity  of 
opinions  as  to  what  the  government  should  do  and  what 
it  should  not  do,  so  that  from  this  chaos  of  controversy 
order  can  only  be  reached  by  the  universal  admission 
that  the  government  must  do  nothing  that  can  possibly 
be  done  by  individual  enterprise,  or  it  must  convert 
itself  into  a  gigantic  workshop  and  do  everything  that 
individuals   might  do.     It  is  either  all  government  or 


i 


rilRONOCRACY  43 

no  government  in  effect.  The  determination  of  what 
should  and  what  should  not  be  operated  by  govern- 
ment could  not  be  reached  by  the  magnitude  of  the 
enterprise,  because  it  is  found  that  many  municipal 
tramways  are  of  greater  size  and  scope  than  many  over- 
land railways,  and  that  telephonic  operations  for  locali- 
ties reach  in  the  aggregate  a  sum  equal  to,  if  not  greater, 
than  the  overland  telegraphic  lines  ;  that  many  steam- 
boat lines  are  of  greater  proportions  than  corresponding 
railway  lines  ;  in  fact,  great  monopolistic  trusts  have 
been  formed  in  various  lines  of  ordinary  mercantile  trade 
that  assume  vastly  greater  proportions  and  are  more 
avaricious  and  grasping,  more  hurtful  to  the  interests 
of  the  masses,  than  are  many  of  the  transportation 
companies.  Is  the  government  also  to  absorb  and 
operate  these  because  they  have  become  "by  nature 
monopolistic  "  ?  To  extend  its  ramification  to  all  pursuits 
that  could  just  as  reasonably  be  considered  within  the 
power  of  the  government  as  those  relating  to  transporta- 
tion would  deprive  individual  enterprise  of  more  than  a 
moiety  of  its  occupations  and  make  government  attaches 
of  most  of  the  people.  To  go  this  far  would  be  worse 
than  not  to  begin  at  all  or  than  to  absorb  everything  by 
government. 

It  Avould  create  an  immense  and  unwieldy  govern- 
mental machine,  performing  much  of  the  labor  that 
could  be  more  expeditiously  and  cheaply  performed  by 
the  individual  ;  would  create  an  irresistible  power  in 
patronage  that  would  forever  perpetuate  the  "ins"  in 
office,  which,  as  to  the  ordinary  trusts  involved,  might 
not  be  so  hurtful  or  disastrous,  but  would  be  sufficiently 
cogent  in  its  influences  to  control  legislation  and  convert 
that  grand  principle  which  maintains  that  the  people 
shall  rule — that  laws  are  for  the  people,  not  the  people 


44  ]'()], ITICS    AM)    I'ROPKRTY 

for  the  laws — into  a  hollow  mockery  and  a  sham  ;  in  a 
word,  it  would  result  in  the  perversion  of  the  very 
objects  of  self-government  and  a  subversion  of  popular 
rights.  If  half  the  people  of  a  country  were  the  em- 
ployes of  the  government  how  much  better  contented 
or  better  conditioned  would  the  country  as  a  whole  be- 
come ?  Furthermore,  how  much  better  or  cheaper  would 
the  business  be  transacted  ?  All  experience  in  civilized 
life  goes  to  show  that  enterprises  operated  by  the 
government  are  invariably  more  inefficiently  or  more 
expensively  conducted  than  are  the  same  classes  of  busi- 
ness under  private  management  and  control,  which  if  not 
demonstrated  by  experience  would  be  almost  an  inevita- 
ble conclusion  from  ordinary  deduction,  for  in  the  one 
case  they  are  operated  by  employes  whose  labors  are 
perfunctory,  and  in  the  other  by  employers  under  rigid 
discipline  for  individual  gain.  There  exists  not  this 
day,  nor  did  there  exist  at  the  time  of  the  greatest  popu- 
lar interest  in  governmental  control,  a  single  enterprise 
of  any  description  or  character  that  private  individuals 
could  not  have  taken  at  any  fair  basis  of  valuation  and 
performed  the  service  at  ten  per  cent,  less  and  gained  to 
their  stockholders  ten  per  cent,  more  than  accrued  to 
government  in  its  loose  and  disjointed  control.  How 
few  municipal  water-works  systems  yield  to  the  city  a 
revenue  above  interest  on  their  cost,  aye,  how  many 
never  pay  the  interest  on  cost,  yet  where  does  or  did 
there  exist  a  single  water-works  plant  that  private  enter- 
prise would  not  gladly  have  taken  at  a  disinterested  valu- 
ation and  agree  to  supply  water  to  the  community  at  ten 
percent,  less  than  the  price  previously  paid?  In  fact, 
it  is  said  that  a  European  syndicate  has  proposed  to  buy 
every  single  water  plant  both  in  Europe  and  America 
that  is  operated  by  the  public  on  these  identical  terms. 


PHRONOCRACY  45 

Water-works  in  general  have  been  owned  by  municipali- 
ties, and  in  general  they  have  lost  money.  Gas  plants 
in  general  have  been  operated  by  individuals,  and  in 
general  they  have  doubled  their  capital  stock  every  few 
years.  A  water-supplying  system  is  far  more  monopolistic 
in  its  nature  than  a  gas-supplying  system,  for  there  is  no 
substitute  and  can  be  no  competition  iu  water,  and  there 
can  be  and  is  in  gas.  Water  is  a  necessity  and  gas  is  a 
luxury  ;  gas  must  be  manufactured,  hence  involves 
much  detail ;  water  is  simply  pumped  and  involves  no 
detail. 

The  price  of  gas  has  been  relatively  as  cheap  to  the 
consumers  as  has  been  the  current  price  of  water,  which 
is  proven  by  the  fact  that  spirited  competition  has  not 
materially  reduced  rates  ;  one  goes  up  and  the  other  goes 
down,  because  one  is  well  managed,  the  results  affecting 
the  pockets  of  private  individuals,  and  the  other  is  con- 
trolled by  everybody  and  is  no  benefit  to  .anybody.  The 
government's  business  is  necessarily  everybody's  busi- 
ness, and  everybody's  business  is  nobody's  business,  and 
the  only  sensible  course  to  pursue  is  to  keep  out  of  the 
hands  of.  everybody  everything  that  it  is  possible  to  give 
to  anybody.  But  one  solitary  example  of  consequence 
can  be  produced  that  affords  the  slightest  possible  argu- 
ment for  governmental  enterprise  on  the  score  of  econo- 
my, and  that  is  no  example  at  all — to  wit,  the  federal 
post-office  system  of  the  United  States,  which,  to  1890, 
never  paid  expenses,  never  was  self-sustaining ;  yet, 
when  it  was  suggested  that  the  business  be  transferred 
to  private  express  companies,  the  aggregate  operations 
of  which  at  that  time,  in  small  parcels,  extended  to  almost 
as  many  localities  as  the  post  office  itself,  any  company 
doubtless  could,  in  consideration  of  a  long  contract,  do 
the  business   at  a  less  price  than    the  government  has 


46  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

been  charging,  and  would  make  much  profit  where 
the  government  has  been  losing.  On  the  score  of  effi- 
ciency there  is  no  argument,  for  both  are  performed  by 
men,  and  a  man  is  usually  less,  not  more,  efficient  when 
he  works  for  good  old  Uncle  Sam  than  when  laboring 
for  the  directors  of  a  soulless  corporation.  Furthermore, 
a  conclusive  demonstration  is  found  in  the  efficiency  of 
the  express  and  telegraphic  systems — both  equally  and 
almost  relatively  as  cheap  as  Uncle  Sam's  letter  system. 

A  more  widespread  opinion  favoring  the  control  of  the 
telegraphic  lines  of  the  country  by  government  exists 
than  for  most  any  other  enterprise  ;  but  then  if  tele- 
graphs, why  not  telephones,  and  so  on  throughout  the 
list? 

However,  since  it  is  thought  best  to  retain  the  trans- 
mission of  mail  matter  in  the  hands  of  the  government, 
it  might  be  proper  that  the  postal  telegraph  should  also 
be  made  a  part  of  that  particular  department.  Whilst  it 
cannot  be  doubted  that  both  could  be  as  effectually  done 
by  private  enterprise  ;  yet  conditions  might  arise  when 
the  government,  in  the  administration  of  its  functions, 
might  require  control  of  this  part  of  the  country's  busi- 
ness. This,  however,  could  about  as  reasonably  be  urged 
regarding  transportation  in  general  and  many  other 
enterprises,  so  that  virtually  it  may  be  continued  only 
because  it  has  heretofore  existed  and  had  done  reasonably 
well. 

Much  objection,  however,  is  urged  to  the  necessary 
employment  by  government  of  the  army  of  postal  clerks 
and  general  attaches,  which  puts  prestige  and  patronage 
into  the  hands  of  the  party  in  power,  thus  tending  to  de- 
prive the  individual  of  his  natural  right.  In  fact,  it  will 
soon  become  almost  a  fixed  principle  of  popular  belief  in 
America  that  the  general  government  should  only  protect 


PHRONOCRACY  4/ 

the  country  from  foreign  aggression  ;  preserve  the  peace, 
and  regulate  the  commerce  between,  not  within,  the  States  ; 
provide  and  maintain  a  uniform  and  stable  circulating 
medium  ;  then  provide  and  maintain  collectors  of  reve- 
nue necessary  to  carry  out  these  purposes  ;  and,  having 
done  this,  that  the  general  government  will  have  per- 
formed the  major  part  of  its  whole  duty,  leaving  to 
States  the  regulation  of  all  domestic  affairs  and  to  cities 
the  employment  of  police  ;  or,  practically  and  in  short, 
that  the  governmental  functions  are  simply  to  protect 
life  and  rightful  ownership  in  individual  property,  main- 
tain peace,  and  regulate  commerce,  obtaining  its  reve- 
nues to  do  this  from  the  extraordinary  accumulations  of 
individual  property  ;  that  this  and  this  alone  is  the  right- 
ful function  and  prerogative  of  government,  and  why 
should  free  men  yield  more  ?  So  great  and  irresistible 
may  yet  be  the  popular  outcry  against  concentration  by 
governments  and  to  the  patronage  and  power  exercised 
through  federal  employes,  that  postmasters  may  soon  be 
elected  by  the  people  of  the  city  or  locality  in  which  their 
duties  are  performed,  and  all  collectors  in  the  districts 
and  by  the  people  whose  property  they  assess,  taking  all 
this  patronage  out  of  the  hands  of  the  President  and 
placing  it  with  the  people  where  it  belongs,  until  this  dis- 
tinguished functionary  will  be  shorn  or  rather  relieved 
of  many  of  his  duties  in  the  matter  of  appointments  to 
office,  which  would  be  far  more  satisfactory  to  the  incum- 
bent as  well  as  to  the  people,  and  being  relieved  of  this 
arduous  and  unpleasant  duty  he  would  devote  more  time 
to  affairs  and  matters  of  state.  His  chief  remaining 
appointments  would  be  simply  the  members  of  his  own 
cabinet,  foreign  diplomats,  and  consuls,  territorial  gov- 
ernors, and  judges  of  the  federal  courts. 

Everything  should  tend  towards  retaining  in  the  hands 


48  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

of  the  people  every  possible  governmental  function,  and 
when  the  ballot  has  been  purified  by  the  only  effectual 
method — curtailment, — or  by  the  disfranchisement  of  the 
unworthy,  greater  safety  and  security  will  rest  with  the 
people  than  ever  before,  and  there  will  be  less  inclination 
to  delegate  their  powers  to  officials. 

Governmental  control  of  the  leading  enterprises  of 
the  country  can  be  productive  of  no  good  result,  being 
alike  unnecessary  and  ineffectual ;  so  likewise  is  the 
proposition  to  absorb  all  business  by  the  government  for 
the  same  identical  reasons  and  for  others  of  greater  mo- 
ment and  objection,  to  wit,  uselessness  and  impractica- 
bility. 

This  proposition  involves  primarily  the  employment 
of  the  time,  energy,  and  ability  of  all  individuals  for 
each  other,  or,  in  other  words,  for  a  kind  of  a  govern- 
ment, the  duty  of  which  is  to  be  the  equal  distribution 
of  the  products  of  human  labor  ;  in  a  word,  all  are  to 
produce  and  all  are  to  divide — a  Utopian  dream,  the 
principal  merit  of  which  lies  in  its  utter  impracticability 
— a  scheme  suitable  either  to  the  gods  or  to  the  fishes 
perhaps,  equally  applicable  to  both,  but  of  no  use  to 
man.  It  will  never  be  seriously  considered  by  any  whose 
opinions  are  worthy  of  notice.  It  is  a  virtual  denial  of 
man's  right  to  property  in  his  individual  capacity,  but 
admits  an  incidental  or  sort  of  reversionary  right  to  a 
share  in  everything.  In  fact,  writers  on  social  questions 
have  ceased  to  deny  man's  right  to  property  individually, 
which  is  as  unquestionable  as  his  right  to  breathe  air  ; 
they  have  ceased  to  maintain  that  he  is  not  entitled  to 
the  fruits  of  his  labor  and  to  enjoy  those  fruits  however 
he  may,  in  conformity  with  social  restraint  ;  likewise  it 
is  admitted  that  there  must  and  always  will,  and  in  fact 
always  should  be,  gradations  in  society  ;  that  it  is  utterly 


PHRONOCRACV  49 

impossible  to  effectually  eradicate  poverty,  which,  to  a 
certain  extent,  is  a  necessary  result  of  the  operating 
forces  of  nature. 

The  earth's  axis  inclines  23!^  degrees  to  the  plane  of 
the  ecliptic,  hence  there  are  variable  seasons  in  certain 
zones. 

In  the  winter  some  men  will  be  stricken  with  pneu- 
monia, and  in  the  summer  some  will  be  overcome  and 
prostrated  by  the  heat  ;  both  conditions  are  the  inevita- 
ble result  of  nature  and  its  operations,  the  fault  of  no 
man  nor  set  of  men  ;  both  conditions  will  incapacitate 
some  men  for  duty,  hence  some  more  favored  men  can 
pass  them  in  the  race.  But,  says  an  objector,  there  should 
be  no  race,  no  contention,  no  strife  between  men  ;  all 
should  exist  in  fraternity  and  love,  no  selfishness,  but  a 
general  acquiescence  in  the  rights  of  each  to  all.  No 
race,  no  strife,  no  contention  means  no  exertion,  or  uni- 
versal idleness,  in  which  case  all  would  starve.  Many 
would  rather  work  than  starve,  hence  they  naturally 
object  to  a  division  with  those  who  would  rather  starve 
than  work.  And  thus  in  ten  thousand  ways  and  from 
ten  thousand  conditions,  all  natural  and  unavoidable,  to 
say  nothing  whatever  about  the  inherent  qualifications 
and  attributes  of  man  as  an  individual,  some  are  bound 
to  fall  below  the  level  of  the  average  and  some  rise  above 
it  ;  and  to  seek  entirely  to  remedy,  or  in  any  considera- 
ble extent  to  alter  this  result  by  legislation,  is  tanta- 
mount to  making  the  wQrld  anew.  Man  can,  however 
be  obligated  to  contribute  to  the  support  of  society  and 
to  the  maintenance  of  government  in  proportion  to  his 
ability  to  contribute  ;  he  can  be  so  taxed  that  when  his 
fortune  reaches  an  abnormal  excess  his  payments  to  the 
state  will  be  equal  to  the  income  from  his  estate,  thus 
preventing  the  useless  individual  accumulations  of  the 


50  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

favored  and  increasing  individual  opportunity  of  the 
oppressed.  This  is  all  that  can  be  done  consistently 
with  man's  natural  right  to  a  reasonable  reward  for  his 
energy,  his  ability,  and  his  industry  ;  in  fact,  it  is  all  that 
justice  demands  and  all  that  the  community  should  wish. 
Man  usually  accumulates  property  in  proportion  to  his 
ability  ;  it  is  not  therefore  unjust  that  he  should  con- 
tribute to  the  support  of  that  governmental  institution 
which  protects  that  property  in  proportion  to  his  ability 
to  contribute  ;  aye  more,  betimes  man's  accumulations 
are  the  result  of  fortuitous  combinations  of  events,  not 
to  his  skill  or  energy.  These  conditions,  however,  are 
natural,  and  he  should  be  entitled  to  a  reasonable  reward 
therefrom,  and  since  much  accumulation  is  the  result  of 
these  fortunate  agencies,  less  is  the  discrimination  against 
the  successful  individual  when  the  state  interdicts  against 
useless  excesses,  and  says  that  from  this  excess  will  I 
support  my  authority.  Tax  excess  excessively,  medioc- 
rity moderately,  and  poverty  not  at  all,  is  the  correct 
principle  of  government  and  of  taxation  to  support  it. 
On  the  other  hand,  all  mankind  have  the  natural  right 
to  live,  by  which  we  mean,  to  the  possession  and  con- 
sumption of  a  certain  portion  of  the  earth's  products, 
essential  to  the  continuance  of  life.  He  has  this  right 
as  against  the  efforts  of  his  fellow-men  to  the  same  ex- 
tent that  he  possesses  it  as  against  the  contending  forces 
of  nature,  and  no  more  and  no  less.  He  cannot  exist 
against  the  contending  forces  o/  nature,  especially  if  he 
chooses  to  inhabit  a  part  of  the  surface  of  the  earth  sub- 
jected to  the  rigors  of  an  uncongenial  clime,  without 
effort,  and  often  the  most  strenuous  effort  will  not  avail, 
and  he  perishes,  consequent  upon  the  fault  of  no  man 
or  set  of  men,  but  by  reason  of  the  natural  order  of 
things.     So,   likewise,  must  he  exert  his  efforts  in  the 


PHRONOCRACY  5 I 

Strife  against  the  opposing  forces  of  his  fellow-men,  and 
likewise  as  in  his  contest  with  natural  obstacles,  he 
sometimes  perishes,  and  consequent  upon  the  fault  of 
no  man  or  set  of  men  ;  and  he  has  asked  much  of  his 
successful  rival  when  he  combines  with  the  less  success- 
ful and  says  to  the  former  :  "  So  far  shalt  thou  go  and 
no  fai'ther." 

He  has  demanded  in  this,  however,  no  more  than  the 
successful  rival  can  well  afford  to  grant  ;  in  fact,  to  the 
extent  of  his  comfort  or  his  happiness  he  is  in  no 
sense  oppressed  ;  his  cupidity  and  his  greed  alone  are 
circumscribed. 

Men  being  entitled  to  a  reasonable  compensation  for 
their  efforts,  does  not  carry  with  it  the  admission  that 
they  are  likewise  entitled  to  an  unlimited  reward  for 
avarice  and  greed,  for  much  of  that  gain  results  from  the 
increment  forced  upon  them  by  the  requirements  of  so- 
ciety, and  this  increment  should,  after  certain  limitations, 
inure  to  the  benefit  of  as  many  individuals  as  possible, 
consistent  with  public  good. 

In  keeping  with  the  impracticability  of  accomplishing 
any  practical  good  to  society  by  the  merger  of  all  enter- 
prise into  the  hands  of  the  government,  which  is  but  an 
aggregation  of  agents  of  the  people  to  perform  certain 
duties,  is  the  legislation  that  is  continuously  being 
enacted  looking  to  the  regulation  of  freights,  traffics, 
and  the  like,  by  governmental  authority.  The  general 
government  can  regulate  commerce  between  the  States, 
that  is,  it  can  prevent  any  embargo  being  placed  upon 
the  products  of  one  by  another  in  transit  over  their 
respective  boundaries  ;  it  can  prevent  States  from  in- 
stituting any  sort  of  prohibitory  conditions  as  between 
each  other,  but  it  cannot  regulate  the  traffic  within  the 
boundaries  of  the  State  itself.     This  duty  or  privilege  is 


52  POLITICS    AND    PR0PP:RTV 

reserved  to  the  State  legislators,  and  their  enactments 
are  sometimes  unwise  and  detrimental  to  the  public 
weal.  It  would  not  answer  in  all  the  States  to  prescribe 
a  certain  fixed  rate  beyond  which  no  charge  should  be 
made,  for  in  some  localities  a  price  equal  to  five  cents 
per  mile  for  each  and  every  first-class  passenger  would 
be  cheap,  and  in  some  others  a  price  in  excess  of  two 
cents  would  be  high  ;  hence  if  any  limitations  are  made 
they  must  usually  be  so  high  as  to  effect  no  practical 
good,  and  had  as  well  not  exist.  The  construction  of 
railways  and  highways,  canals  and  waterways,  in  some 
sections  of  the  country  is  comparatively  cheap,  and  in 
others  very  high.  Many  times  in  different  sections  of 
the  same  State  the  cost  would  be  more  than  quadrupled, 
so  that  a  legislative  enactment  to  the  effect  that  the  price 
of  all  traffic  within  the  State  must  not  exceed  a  certain 
stipulated  rate  would  be  in  excess  of  what  one  company 
might  desire  to  charge,  and  not  sufficient  for  the  actual 
maintenance  of  another.  The  average  cost  of  railway 
construction  in  Nebraska  or  Kansas  is  much  below  that 
in  Colorado  or  Nevada,  for  the  former  are  located  in  a 
broad  and  level  country,  and  the  latter  in  the  precipitous 
rocks  and  crags  of  mountain  gorges.  It  has  usually  been 
the  custom  to  prescribe  a  maximum,  but  this  is  frequently 
above  the  actual  charge  for  transportation.  People  resi- 
dent in  any  section  must  have  facilities  for  transportation, 
otherwise  their  land  is  valueless  and  their  unconsumed 
crop  will  rot  ;  hence  it  is  that  in  nearly  all  sections  the 
socialistic  principle  of  maintaining  public  wagon  roads 
prevails,  not  because  the  people  believe  in  socialism 
in  the  abstract,  or  would  be  willing  to  have  their 
land  taxed  for  many  other  schemes  in  the  nature  of  a 
general  divide,  but  because  it  appears  to  be  to  the  in- 
terest of  the  property  itself  to  have  it  so — that  is,  by  sub- 


PUKOXOCKACY  53 

mitting  to  a  tax  to  maintain  a  public  road  (which  is 
about  the  same  in  principle  as  submitting  to  a  tax  to 
maintain  a  public  hotel),  their  land  appears  to  gain  more 
in  value  than  the  tax  really  costs.  The  road,  therefore, 
being  supported  or  rather  operated  by  government,  and 
individuals  who  have  no  property  and  pay  no  tax  being 
permitted  to  use  it  as  freely  as  those  who  pay  the  most, 
seems  to  be  a  great  concession  to  the  socialistic  senti- 
ment, yet  it  appears  as  though  the  tax-payer  is  more  than 
recompensed  by  the  increased  valuation  of  the  land  con- 
sequent thereon.  Well,  say.  the  government  absorption- 
ists,  if  it  be  to  the  interest  of  the  tax-paying  landowner 
to  maintain  the  public  road,  why  would  it  not  be  more 
largely  to  his  interest  to  establish  lines  of  free  carriages 
on  said  road,  so  that  the  socialistic  principle  as  to  trans- 
portation could  be  carried  out  to  its  fulness  ?  And  if  to 
his  interest  to  maintain  highways  and  establish  carriages 
thereon,  to  be  supported  by  taxation  on  his  property, 
and  for  the  free  use  of  the  public,  why  with  equal  reason 
might  it  not  be  to  the  interest  of  the  landowner  to  con- 
struct and  maintain  a  line  of  raihvay,  and  establish  free 
carriages  thereon^  which  condition  rendered  to  its  ulti- 
mate end  would  mean  governmental  control  of  all  trans- 
portation ;  and  if  of  transportation,  which  in  value 
amounts  to  about  one  fifth  of  the  whole  and  employs 
about  one  tenth  of  all  the  people,  why  not  of  everything 
else  ?  In  other  words,  why  should  the  people  not  create 
agents  to  do  the  business  of  the  country  and  distribute 
the  profits  if  there  be  any,  and,  if  none,  then  give  to  each 
man  so  much  food  and  raiment  and  let  him  go  on  his 
way  rejoicing  ?  Thus  there  appears  to  be  some  enter- 
prises in  which  the  socialistic  principle  does  operate  to 
advantage,  such  as  the  maintenance  of  free  wagon  roads 
and   streets,   free   parks,  free   schools,  free  poorhouses, 


54  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

hospitals,  and  the  like,  and  the  reason  why  it  should  ap- 
pear to  work  well  to  within  their  limitations — in  fact, 
appear  to  be  necessary  to  this  extent — and  yet  iniquitous 
to  any  extent  beyond,  is  because  further  governmental 
control  thwarts  individual  enterprise.  The  fact  is  that 
society  is  obliged  to  recognize  the  socialistic  principle  to 
some  extent,  but  this  offers  no  argument  for  its  univer- 
sality ;  but  it  is  clear  to  the  minds  of  far-sighted  men  that 
if  something  is  not  done  to  check  the  colossal  and  use- 
less accumulations  of  individual  property,  the  socialistic 
principle  may  be  very  largely  extended,  and  it  is  best 
to  meet  the  issue  at  once  and  favor  the  said  principle  out- 
right to  the  extent  of  annihilating  all  excesses,  and  curtail- 
ing it  as  much  as  possible  as  regards  all  mediocrities,  with 
sedulous  care  not  to  stifle  enterprise.  To  impose  a  limit 
on  traffic  or  to  create  other  restrictive  conditions  is  in  fact 
to  a  certain  extent  a  barrier  to  enterprise,  and  it  is  really 
questionable  whether  or  not  to  permit  the  matter  to  regu- 
late itself  would  not  result  in  the  end  in  greater  develop- 
ment and  consequently  greater  competition,  hence  better 
and  cheaper  accommodation,  than  to  attempt  to  protect 
the  people  by  controlling  even  the  maximum  of  charges. 
In  some  sections  of  country  the  residents  would  gladly 
agree  to  pay  ten  cents  per  mile  for  ordinary  railway  pas- 
senger traffic  rather  than  to  have  no  line  of  road  ;  in 
fact,  it  is  questionable  if  the  residents  of  any  country 
would  dispense  with  same  altogether  if  the  rate  should 
be  double  that  sum.  In  America  in  1890  there  existed 
about  167, coo  miles  of  railway — more  than  all  the  world 
besides  combined, — yet  crops  could  not  at  times  be  prop- 
erly transported.  Now,  by  permitting  capital  to  con- 
struct roads  and  charge  for  the  use  of  same  their  own 
stipulated  rate  (being  common  carrier  the  same,  of 
course,  to  all  under  similar  condition),  granting  no  privi- 


PHRONOCRACY  55 

leges  and  imposing  no  restraints,  it  might  be  that  in 
every  belt  of  country  in  America  twenty  miles  wide  there 
would  be  a  line  of  road  running  both  north  and  south, 
east  and  west.  The  distance  between  the  oceans  aver- 
aging, say,  for  a  short  calculation,  3,000  miles,  and  the 
width  north  and  south  is  2,000  miles,  there  would  be 
on  the  20-mile  basis,  100  lines  of  road  3,000  miles  long, 
or  300,000  miles,  running  east  and  west ;  and  150  lines 
2,000  miles  long,  or  300,000  miles,  running  north  and 
south  ;  or  in  all  600,000  miles  of  road,  and  none  nearer 
to  the  other  than  twenty  miles  apart,  which  would  be 
ten  miles  from  the  central  tracts  of  land  to  the  nearest 
road — which,  with  a  loaded  team,  is  a  fair  average  dis- 
tance to  haul  a  load  of  produce  and  return  the  same  day 
over  a  fair  highway  in  good  repair.  Since  access  to 
facilities  for  communication  appears  to  be  the  great  pro- 
moter of  values,  it  is  a  question  whether  or  not,  all 
things  considered,  as  much  good  would  not  result  from 
the  multiplication  of  those  facilities,  superinduced  by  the 
ability  to  regulate  their  own  rates,  as  by  a  diminution  of 
same  consequent  upon  legal  interdictions,  thus  permit- 
ting the  laws  of  trade  to  regulate  the  price  of  traffic. 

Who  can  say  that  it  would  not  be  better  for  an  entire 
country  to  have  two  lines  of  railroad  twenty  miles  apart, 
charging  ten  cents  per  mile,  than  one  line,  charging  but 
five  cents  per  mile,  forty  miles  off.  Perhaps  both  could 
comfortably  live  at  ten  cents,  and  one  would  grow  very 
rich  at  five,  but  the  average  haul  over  the  highway  which 
in  the  case  of  the  two  would  be,  say,  ten  miles,  in  case  of 
the  one  is  twenty  miles.  If  wagoning  over  country  roads 
cost  fifty  cents  per  mile  (about  a  proportionate  rate),  it 
is  clear  that  a  haul  of  but  ten  miles  to  a  ten-cent  road 
would  enable  the  goods  to  be  transported  some  distance 
at  even  that  rate  before  the  actual  outlay  from  farm  to 


5fJ  POLITICS    AXD    PROPKRTV 

market  would  be  much  greater  than  on  the  five  cent 
road,  where  the  goods  were  wagoned  twenty  miles  at 
fifty  cents  per  mile. 

These  matters  should  be  fully  discussed,  as  also  social- 
istic highways,  socialistic  schools,  parks,  and  the  Hke, 
and  it  may  be  determined  that  it  is  best  to  let  natural 
conditions,  not  in  conflict  with  the  general  plan  of  cur- 
tailing excesses  of  individual  estates,  prevail  at  least  for 
a  while  till  it  can  be  demonstrated  whether  or  not  in 
adopting  generally  and  fundamentally  the  principle  and 
policy  of  go vernmen tally  regulating  the  extremes  of  for- 
tune, there  would  not  be  interference  sufficient  to  enable 
the  people  to  dispense  with  some  of  the  other  features 
long  existing  in  communities  and  recognized  as  valid. 
Relative  to  all  socialistic  tendencies  and  all  scliemes  for 
the  absorption  by  government  of  individual  enterprises, 
it  may  be  safely  said  that  the  least  possible  is  the  best. 
Socialism  as  applied  to  individual  excesses  is  the  most 
reasonable  and  least  oppressive  of  any,  and  that  alone 
should  prevail  in  lieu  of  all  that  can  possibly  be  dis- 
pensed with.  Absorption  of  enterprise  by  government 
is  not  only  impracticable,  but  is  in  fact  simply  the  turn- 
ing over  by  the  people  to  the  people  and  then  turning 
back  by  the  people  to  the  people,  or,  by  the  people  to 
their  agents  (the  people)  and  by  the  agents  (the  people) 
back  to  the  people,  the  usufruct  of  labor,  making  no 
allowance  for  individual  excellence,  energy,  opportunity, 
or  desire,  which  is  as  much  in  conflict  with  nature  as  it 
would  be  to  say  that  all  trees  shall  grow  to  the  same  uni- 
form size.  Let  the  tree  expand  reasonably,  but  if  it  gets 
so  big  as  to  be  useless  in  itself  and  threaten  destruction 
to  the  forest  it  would  be  wise  to  trim  it  up  a  little. 

Then  comes  on  a  great  and  apparently  endless  discus- 
sion as  to  the  maintenance  of  public  schools. 

It  is  urged  that  this  exercise  of  the  socialistic  princi- 


PHRONOCRACV  57 

pies  is  useless  ;  that,  in  fact,  it  is  injurious  ;  that  it 
creates  an  artificial  equality  that  is  hurtful  rather  than 
beneficial  to  society  ;  that  it  unfits  many  for  occupations 
that  must  be  pursued  by  some  ;  that  it  creates  in  these 
an  increasing  discontent,  and  enables  them  to  more 
keenly  appreciate  and  more  deeply  to  lament  the  grada- 
tions in  society  which  must  exist  until  everything  as- 
sumes a  different  footing,  or,  say,  until  the  world  begins 
to  turn  the  other  way  and  the  sun  to  revolve  around  the 
earth  ;  but  that  whilst  things  are  as  they  are  gradations 
cannot  and  should  not  be  prevented,  and  that  to  educate 
the  masses  is  a  step  in  that  direction  which  on  the  whole 
is  not  proper  ;  that  in  fact  and  in  truth. 

From  ignorance,  our  comfort  flows. 
The  only  wretched  are  the  wise. 

It  is  maintained  on  the  other  hand  that  education 
makes  men  less  passionate  and  vicious  ;  that  they  are  in 
consequence  more  easily  controlled  ;  that  it  prevents 
crime  and  outrage  by  enabling  people  to  understand  the 
enormity  of  it ;  that  on  the  whole  it  is  worth  more  to 
property  to  have  an  educated  populace  than  an  unedu- 
cated one  ;  that  the  tendency  towards  disqualification 
and  unfitness  for  certain  occupation  will  be  offset  by  in- 
creased compensation  ;  that  professors  of  colleges  will 
clean  the  streets  or  remove  the  garbage  for  a  certain 
compensation  ;  that  menial  occupations  would  command 
high  prices  rather  than  degrade  workmen,  and  so  on  ad 
infinitii-m.  The  other  side  maintains  that  a  little  educa- 
tion is  worse  than  none  at  all  ;  that  it  makes  of  what 
would  otherwise  be  a  mild  pilferer  in  the  street  a  bold 
and  defiant  counterfeiter  and  forger — a  character  more 
difficult  to  control  and,  by  reason  of  his  greater  ability, 
more  dangerous  to  society  ;  that  if  you  would  keep  the 
people  in  subjugation  you  must  keep  them  in  ignorapqe,; 


58  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

that  ascendancy  in  all  institutions  will  flourish  most 
where  the  masses  know  the  least. 

Thus  by  these  divergent  views  the  free-school  system 
may  be  in  some  sections  abandoned  according  as  the 
majority  in  •  localities,  by  which  alone  the  institution 
should  be  governed,  should  decide.  However,  in  most 
States  and  counties  of  the  United  States  and  later  on  in 
other  countries  which  have  intermittently  encouraged 
and  abandoned  it,  the  institution  will  likely  be  supported 
to  such  an  extent  as  will  enable  the  attendants  to  learn  to 
read,  write,  and  cipher,  or  what  may  be  considered  the 
"  citizenship  course,"  and  nothing  beyond.  It  should 
become  law  that  man  must  both  possess  something  and 
know  something  before  he  could  participate  in  govern- 
ment— (strange  that  he  should  ever  have  participated  in  it 
otherwise)  ;  and  since  the  opportunity  would  be  before 
him  to  possess  the  requisite  amount  of  property  which  he 
could  do  in  a  few  years  by  frugality  and  economy,  espe- 
cially since  the  main  contributions  for  the  support  of 
government  are  proposed  to  be  taken  from  accumulated 
property  and  are  by  reason  thereof  scarcely  perceptible 
to  the  poor  or  the  intermediacy,  so  likewise  is  it  thought 
best,  all  things  considered,  to  give  him  an  opportunity 
to  acquire  the  other  requisite,  to  wit,  a  certain  amount 
of  knowledge,  so  that  he  who  should  become  a  citizen 
might  if  he  would. 

Beyond  these  limitations,  however,  there  should  be  the 
most  rigid  scrutiny  and  the  closest  possible  guard  against 
the  extension  of  delegated  powers  or  socialistic  operations, 
the  former  confined  essentially  to  security  to  property,  and 
the  latter  to  the  actual  and  self-evident  needs  of  the  social 
state  and  to  the  limitation  of  excesses  caused  by  the  in- 
crease of  population  and  the  utilization  of  those  excesses 
for  the  support  of  the  state — rather"  Conservative  Social- 
ism or  Phronocracy."  "  Atit  Phronocracy  aut  Nullus." 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Single  or  land  tax  considered  :  sincerity  of  its  advocates — "  The  world 
belongs  in  usufruct  to  the  people,"  correct  in  the  abstract — Origi- 
nal possession  :  how  acquired  —  Right  of  original  possession — 
Land  the  product  of  labor — Impracticability  of  "uninterrupted 
access  to  natural  opportunity  " — Tax  to  full  rental  value  tanta- 
mount to  confiscation,  and  less  fails  of  the  object  sought — Not 
justified  by  simplicity  ;  generally  impracticable  and  void  of  good 
efTect — Relief  only  secured  by  laws  oppressing  the  favored  and 
assisting  the  oppressed. 

Before  entering  into  detail  as  to  the  means,  methods, 
and  circumstances  under  and  by  virtue  of  which  the 
**  Phronocratic-Conservative  "  alliance  is  proposed  to  be 
formed  and  the  discussions  of  the  principles  supported 
by  same,  there  arises  for  consideration  another  and 
by  no  means  unimportant  propagandism  that  has  been 
promulgated  and  supported  by  men  of  intelligence  and 
thought — to  wit  :  the  Single  or  Land  Tax  proposition. 

This  class  of  reformers  aim,  as  do  all,  at  the  greatest 
good  to  the  greatest  number.  They  recognize  to  the 
fullest  extent  that  man  is  entitled  to  the  fruits,  of  his  own 
labor  ;  that  he  possesses  a  natural  right  to  own  and  enjoy 
any  property  that  results  from  the  labor  of  his  hand 
or  his  brain,  and  that  he  is  entitled  to  an  effectual  guar- 
anty to  the  peaceful  and  uninterrupted  possession  of 
that  property.  Hence  the  single-tax  advocates  can  by 
no  means  be  classed  among  those  who  in  any  way  seek 
to  institute  a  condition  of  anarchy  in  society,  or  to  forci- 

59 


6o  POl.I'I'ICS    AM)    FROPERTV 

bly  dispossess  any  man  of  the  fruits  of  his  toil  ;  and,  con- 
sequently, as  a  party  that  aims  by  the  enactments  of  law 
and  by  methods  peaceful  and  persuasive  to  institute  cer- 
tain changes  in  human  affairs  that  would,  in  their  opinion, 
ameliorate  the  condition  of  the  masses  of  human  beings, 
they  are  entitled  to  and  should  receive  the  utmost  con- 
sideration and  respect.  Their  views  are  discussed  and 
their  pronunciaments  elaborated  ;  in  a  word,  such  has 
become  the  condition  of  society  that  no  sect  or  class  that 
tends  toward  revolution  and  force  will  be  in  any  sense 
tolerated.  The  intellectual  development  of  the  world  is 
such  that  all  who  seek  to  dispose  have  first  to  propose, 
and  any  proposition  affects  no  disposition  unless  it  is 
supported  and  upheld  by  the  most  forcible  and  reasona- 
ble arguments — or,  in  other  words,  brain  rule,  not  brawn  ; 
there  is  no  force  except  that  of  convincing  and  irrefutable 
arguments. 

The  single-tax  advocates,  with  great  reason,  claim  that 
the  "  world  belongs  in  usufruct  to  the  people  "  ;  that  all 
men  are  entitled  to  "  equal  access  to  natural  opportu- 
nity "  ;  that  natural  opportunity  is  the  earth  and  its 
belongings. 

When  jocosely  asked,  "  What  do  you  want  ? "  they 
appropriately  reply,  "  We  want  the  earth — our  natural 
inheritance." 

Land  is  considered  the  gift  of  God  to  the  people,  as  is 
water  and  also  air.  Since  the  natural  right  of  access  to 
water  and  air  have  not  as  yet  been  denied,  why  should 
access  to  land,  an  equally  important  element  of  human 
existence,  be  withheld  ?  Man  cannot  live  without  earth, 
air,  and  water  ;  in  fact,  some  individuals  of  the  material- 
istic faith  espouse  the  belief  that  man  is  nothing  else 
than  a  combination  of  material  forms — a  highly-devel- 
oped protoplasm,  a  mollusk,  a  fish,  a  bird,  a  mammal,  a 


PHRONOCRACY  6 1 

monkey,  a  man — animate  yet  wholly  material,  a  result 
and  not  a  design  ;  that  the  earth  is  inhabited,  why  ?  be- 
cause the  sun's  heat,  the  land  and  water,  all  co-existent 
if  not  ever-existent,  aided  by  action,  motion,  force  (which 
implies  energy),  all  of  which  exist  as  an  accompaniment 
of  the  great  whole  (but  why  or  how  no  man  knoweth), 
produces  something,  and  that  something  is  the  vegetable 
and  animal  life  of  which  man  is  but  a  part.  We  ask, 
"Are  the  planets  of  our  own  system  similarly  in- 
habited?" Certainly  not,  if  by  inhabitants  we  mean 
things  and  beings  identical  to  and  in  keeping  with  our- 
selves. The  actinic  agencies  of  nature  there  may — 
doubtless  do — produce  something,  just  as  similar  agen- 
cies here  may  have  produced  what  we  see  all  around  us, 
but  who  knows  what,  how,  or  in  what  shape  it  has  been 
manifested  ?  It  is  by  no  means  the  same  as  here,  be- 
cause the  conditions  are  radically  different.  Who  knows, 
or  is  prepared  to  absolutely  prove,  that  man  is  not  a 
result  of  the  actinic  forces  of  nature  and  has  assumed 
the  form  he  has  and  the  attributes  and  characteristics  he 
possesses,  because  such  form,  such  attributes,  and  such 
characteristics  are  the  fittest,  most  appropriate,  and 
most  reasonable,  all  things  considered.  But  why  di- 
gress ?  Our  object  is  to  delineate  what  is  happening 
in  the  world  among  its  people,  come  or  originate  and 
ultimately  end  howsoever  they  may.  The  single-tax 
advocates  seek  to  place  all  tax  on  land  values,  reliev- 
ing every  other  kind  and  class  of  property  from  any 
contribution  whatever  to  the  support  of  government ; 
they  seek  in  effect  to  make  the  amount  of  this  tax  equal 
to  the  rental  or  productive  return  of  the  property.  They 
confine  all  assessment  to  land  values  essentially,  to  the 
lot  on  which  the  house  is  erected,  not  to  the  house  itself 
or  its  belongings  ;  to  the  farm  directly  as   soil  and  dirt 


62  POLITICS    AND    ]'k()FERTV 

only,  not  to  the  houses,  the  fences,  and  the  'oarns.  The 
reason  why  everything  save  land  is  to  be  exempt  from 
taxation,  is  because  improvements  of  all  kinds  are  the 
product  of  labor,  and  that  to  tax  labor's  product  is,  they 
say,  to  discourage  and  oppress  the  exercise  of  its  ener- 
gies, to  place  an  incubus  on  development,  and  corre- 
spondingly hamper  enterprise. 

Tliey  also  maintain  that  any  man  is  entitled  to  hold 
land  in  use  ;  that  to  tax  land  to  its  full  rental  value 
would  make  it  undesirable,  yea,  unprofitable,  if  not 
utterly  impossible,  to  hold  it  out  of  use  at  all,  and  that 
if  no  one  held,  then  all  who  wished  could  occupy  and 
use  ;  hence,  the  means  would  always  be  at  hand  by 
Avhich  man  could  exert  his  energies,  or,  in  other  words, 
he  would  then  have  uninterrupted  access  to  natural  op- 
portunity— the  consummation  not  only  devoutly  to  be 
wished,  but  the  remedy  for  all  wretchedness.  If  a  man 
could  not  obtain  employment  in  a  shop  at  a  satisfactory 
remuneration  he  could  become  independent  of  the  shop- 
keeper by  entering  in  upon  and  cultivating  any  patch  of 
land  which  would  be  open  to  his  exertions,  unless  actu- 
ally in  use  by  some  of  his  fellows  ;  if  a  man  wished 
to  build  a  house  he  should  be  permitted  to  enter  upon 
and  possess  any  vacant  city  lot  not  actually  utilized,  and 
so  on  to  the  end  ;  land  not  in  use  could  be  used  by  any 
one,  just  as  water  not  drank  and  air  not  breathed  could 
be  used  by  any  one — a  happy  contemplation,  but  a 
remote  and  impracticable  realization,  with  nothing  in  it 
save  a  barren  idea,  nothing  save  a  Utopian  dream — a 
wild  phantasmagoric  vision,  that  vanishes  ere  it  's  fully 
seen. 

To  begin  at  the  beginning  :  How  did  man  become 
possessed  of  landed  estate  ?  We  will  assume  for  illus- 
tration that  the  ancient  and  presumably  sunken  island  of 


PHRONOCRACV  63 

Atlantis,  alluded  to  in  Bacon's  allegorical  fiction,  (rich  in 
productiveness  by  reason  of  its  long  inundation)  should 
suddenly  emerge  from  the  bottom  of  the  sea.  Supposed 
to  have  been  located  somewhere  north  of  the  equitorial 
Atlantic  it  would  be  in  easy  position  of  access,  and, 
being  fertile  and  productive  and  located  'neath  friendly 
skies  and  surrounded  by  balmy  air,  it  would  naturally 
become  the  modern  Eldorado — the  promised  land,  the 
haven  of  untold  wealth  for  the  myriads  who  toil. 

We  will  suppose  that  John  Smith  and  Joe  Jones  first 
discovered  it,  then  to  whom  does  it  belong  ?  Well,  we 
will  suppose  that,  being  God-risen  (certainly  not  man- 
risen)  from  the  depths  of  the  sea,  it  belongs  when  dis- 
covered to  certain  amphibians  that  are  found  to  infest  it. 
It  cannot  be  denied  that  this  title  to  it  would  be  as  good 
as  the  title  of  any  other  of  God's  creatures.  Do  the  jun- 
gles of  Africa  belong  to  the  monkeys  of  God's  creation, 
or  do  they  not  ?  Does  the  land  belong  to  the  aborigines 
who  first  inhabit  it,  or  does  it  not  ?  Yes,  it  belongs  to  its 
first  occupants,  which  were  in  all  probability  a  low  order 
of  vegetables,  then  later  each  tree  owned  its  quota,  and 
since  it  had  not  the  faculty  of  locomotion  but  was  able 
to  draw  its  sustenance  from  the  land  and  air  immediately 
around  and  from  the  rains  that  showered  on  it  from  the 
clouds,  it  would,  if  it  could  have  uttered  sound  and 
expressed  what  we  call  thought,  doubtless  have  said  :  "  I 
am  content ;  I  have  enough.  All  I  have  to  request  of 
my  fellow-creatures  is  that  they  will  keep  at  a  respect- 
able distance  so  as  not  to  tax  the  sustaining  capacity  of 
my  little  plot  of  land  through  which  my  roots  interlace 
and  ramify."  Later  on  come  the  beavers  and  gnaw  down 
the  trees  in  a  certain  area  of  country  adjacent  to  the 
water  brooks,  and  use  their  trunks  and  branches  for  the 
construction  of  dams,  which  thev  chink  with  mud.     To 


64  POLITICS    AND    FKOFKRTV 

whom  does  the  denuded  land  then  belong  ?  Certainly 
to  the  beaver  ;  and  it  then  has  no  other  or  greater  value 
than  that  represented  by  the  beaver  in  gnawing  down 
the  trees.  Later  come  some  gigantic  and  powerful 
herbivora  and  begin  to  eat  the  grass  and  the  bushes  and 
to  render  the  country  unfit  for  the  uses  of  the  beaver, 
and,  being  more  powerful,  possess  themselves  of  it. 
Later,  through  a  multiplicity  of  epochs,  came  primordial 
man,  and  he  took  control  of  all  simply  because  he  could. 
Then  the  strongest  races  and  tribes  of  men,  to  the  extent 
that  they  desired,  dispossessed  the  weaker  and  possessed 
themselves  of  the  land,  just  because  they  could.  Later 
the  sword  and  cannon  of  the  so-called  civilian  over- 
came the  bow  and  arrow  of  the  so-called  savage,  just 
because  they  were  more  powerful  and  could. 

The  sword  and  the  cannon  acquired  as  just  and  as 
equitable  a  title  from  the  bow  and  arrow  as  the  bow  and 
arrow  did  from  the  teeth  and  claws  of  the  beast,  and 
thus  force  was  of  necessity  law — might  was  right  until 
some  social  system  was  established  by  which  the  wants 
and  desires  of  men  multiplied,  and  for  the  good  of  the 
whole  individuals  consented  to  be  governed.  Civiliza- 
tion and  the  migration  of  man  from  the  lands  and  climes 
in  which  he  originally  had  his  being  caused  diversifica- 
tion of  wants,  and  diversification  caused  division  in  pro- 
duction, and  division  in  production  caused  trade  and 
exchange,  and  trade  and  exchange  caused  profits,  and 
profits  caused  accumulation,  and  so  on  to  the  end.  But 
to  revert  :  If  the  resurrected  island  of  Atlantis  belonged, 
not  to  the  man  or  men  who  discovered  it,  but  to  the 
amphibians  that  were  found  on  it,  because  they  are  of 
God's  creation,  how  long  would  it  be  before  by  the 
rightful  exercise  of  superior  force  some  stronger  animal, 
possibly  and  for  the  sake  of  argument  we  will  say  ele- 


PHRONOCRACV  65 

phants,  would  drive  off  or  kill  out  the  amphibians,  and  if 
they  desired  to  do  so,  graze  exclusively  on  the  succulent 
grass  of  the  newly  acquired  pastures  ?  How  long  there- 
after, by  superior  force,  would  it  be  before  man  would 
drive  off  the  elephants  if  he  should  choose  to  do  so  ? 
Therefore  the  man  who  has  the  title  by  force  has  the 
rightful  title  when  civilization,  or  call  it  what  you  may, 
was  in  such  a  state  or  condition  as  to  have  recognized  no 
higher  arbiter. 

When  the  higher  arbitrament  was  instituted  succession 
to  possession  might  proceed  under  it,  but  original  titles 
are  none  the  less  good  for  all  that.  The  title  that  comes 
straight  down  from  the  original  patent  or  grant  of  the 
king,  if  the  king  had  the  title  (even  though  by  force 
whilst  force  was  custom  and  law),  is  the  best  title  to-day, 
and  it  is  a  just  title. 

To  argue  that  man  is  not  entitled  to  landed  estates  to- 
day that  have  become  valuable  by  reason  of  the  increased 
and  increasing  demands  of  modern  civilization,  because 
when  they  were  worth  nothing  save  the  effort  of  the  crow 
or  eagle  in  flying  over  them,  their  remote  ancestors  be- 
came the  possessors  by  the  highest  recognized  right  of 
the  time  and  at  thq  highest  price  (be  that  price  force) 
that  any  one  was  willing  to  or  could  pay,  is  wholly  un- 
tenable except  on  the  hypothesis  that  no  land  should  be 
owned  save  by  God  himself,  whatever  idea  that  expres- 
sion may  convey.  Why  should  land  not  be  owned  .?  It 
is  unquestionably,  though  God-given  as  the  single-tax 
men  put  it,  subject  to  improvement  by  labor  and  to  de- 
terioration by  neglect,  just  the  same  as  all  other  property, 
and  more  so  than  much  other  property.  They  admit  that 
man  is  entitled  to  own  and  enjoy  the  products  of  his 
own  labor,  yet  if  a  man  should  devote  a  lifetime  of  toil 

to  the  reclamation  of  a  tract  of  land  from  a  marsh  near 
5 


66  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

the  sea,  or  remove  rocks  from  another  on  the  slopes  of  a 
hill,  or  carry  water  to  another  in  the  heart  of  the  desert 
— all  absolutely  worthless  without  that  labor,  and  the 
only  value  they  subsequently  possess  is  admittedly  the 
product  of  that  labor, — yet  because  that  labor-product 
created  land  (which  it  did,  because  to  the  extent  that  it 
could  have  been  or  was  available  before  the  application 
of  labor  it  was  not  land  at  all)  and  not  bricks  or  but- 
tresses or  bridges,  it  should  not  be  owned,  or,  which  is 
practically  the  same,  it  should  be  taxed  to  its  rental 
value  so  as  to  make  it  undesirable  or  useless  property,  is 
a  proposition  that  appears  inconsistent,  untenable,  and 
ridiculous.  Again,  if  instead  of  applying  his  labor  to  the 
reclamation  of  lands  from  the  sea,  the  deserts,  or  the 
hills,  he  had  devoted  his  life  to  any  ordinary  avocation, 
and  as  a  result  of  his  labor  he  had  amassed  wealth  to  the 
amount,  we  will  assume,  of  $10,000,  and  from  motives  of 
safety  or  individual  preference,  or  for  any  reason  what- 
ever, he  had  chosen  to  invest  that  wealth  or  labor- 
product  in  land  that  some  other  man  had  reclaimed  or 
occupied,  would  not  the  tract  purchased  be  as  much  the 
fruit  of  his  toil  as  the  wealth  in  whatever  pre-existing 
form  he  had  it  was  the  fruit  of  his  toil  ?  Where  the 
demand  for  land  is  less  than  the  available  supply,  it  is 
virtually  open  for  occupancy  and  use  by  any  one  who 
desires.  One  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land  are 
available  to  any  American  citizen,  and  when  population 
was  sparse  many  a  desirable  claim  was  located  ;  but  as 
said  population  became  denser,  the  available  or  desirable 
tracts  were  located  until  those  that  are  left  are  either 
sterile  or  unproductive  to  a  degree  that  makes  it  more 
desirable  to  buy,  or,  in  other  words,  to  exchange  the 
products  of  labor  for  a  tract  that  some  other  man  has 
previously  located  than  to  take  the  available  tract  for 


PHRONOCRACV  6/ 

nothing;  or,  if  ihe  man  desiring  land  has  nothing  to 
represent  labor-product  to  give  in  exchange,  he  prefers 
to  remain  in  some  thickly  populated  city  where  he  can 
sell  his  labor  by  the  day  or  beg  an  existence  from  the 
populace,  than  to  go  and  take  up  such  land  as  remains 
available,  as  much  does  to  this  day.  All  who  own  land 
(save  those  who  inherited  it  from  their  ancestors)  in  the 
general  sifting  out  of  the  thing  will  be  found  to  have  paid 
or  given  labor-products  for  it  to  about  the  measure  of  its 
value  at  the  time  ;  if  not  so,  then  some  other  man  would 
have  given  more  and  he  would  have  possessed  it.  Even 
the  man  who  inherits  succeeds  to  a  title  for  which  value 
has  been  given  by  his  sire  or  his  grandsire,  and  if  these 
sires  had  a  right  to  their  own  thc)»  should  have  the  right 
to  dispose  of  their  own.  All  land  is  practically  in  some 
sort  of  use  in  all  countries  where  life  abounds.  If  a  man 
owns  ten  thousand  acres  in  the  State  of  Dakota,  around 
which  he  chooses  to  build  a  wire  fence  for  the  very  pur- 
pose of  keeping  off  cattle  that  would  otherwise  consume 
his  grass,  this  cannot  be  said  to  be  actually  out  of  use, 
for  the  very  apparent  idleness  to  which  he  seems  to  con- 
sign it  is  perhaps  the  very  best  use  to  which  he  can  put 
it,  for  the  reason  that  the  falling  and  decaying  grass  en- 
riches the  soil,  thereby  creating  a  greater  yield  when  he 
chooses  to  turn  it  over  with  a  plow,  if  to  use  it  thus  is  in 
turn  any  greater  use  in  fact  than  the  previous  apparent 
idleness.  But,  says  the  single-tax  man,  he  is  holding 
land  for  speculative  increase  which  if  thrown  open  to  the 
people  would  be  used  by  being  worked  with  a  hoe  in- 
stead of  being  used  to  grow  grass  to  make  the  labor  with 
the  hoe  subsequently  yield  more.  Yes,  he  is  holding  it, 
though  really  perhaps  in  the  best  possible  use  ;  we  will 
say,  for  argument,  that  it  is  for  speculative  increase. 
We  will  of  course  conclude  that,  when,  by  reason  of 


68  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

cheaper  competitive  lands  being  brought  nearer  to  the 
market  by  better  facilities  for  transportation  than  pre- 
viously existed,  the  value  of  his  land  is  reduced  one 
half,  he  should  rightfully  call  upon  the  state  to  make 
good  his  losses.  I  have  given,  he  might  say,  the 
product  of  my  labor  to  the  extent  of  $10,000  for  that 
land,  and  to-day  no  man  will  give  me  the  product  of 
labor  to  the  extent  of  $5,000,  and  I  want  the  difference 
from  the  state.  Equally  reasonable  would  be  this  de- 
mand with  that  from  the  state  to  take  away  not  only  any 
possible  gain  but  his  land  itself  by  taxation  tantamount 
to  confiscation.     How  untenable  the  proposition. 

It  is  said  that  if  blows  are  aimed  at  an  inflated  blad- 
der they  should  not  be  too  severe,  or  the  lack  of  resist- 
ance will  dislocate  the  shoulder.  But,  say  the  single-tax 
men,  the  condition  practically  will  be  about  the  same  as 
at  present,  because  the  people  will  be  on  the  land  as 
now  and  be  entitled  to  its  products  to  the  extent  that 
they  use  it  by  their  labor.  Well,  if  practically  the  same, 
then  better  leave  it  as  it  now  is. 

But  how  would  the  land  be  occupied  ?  If  open  to  all, 
of  course  the  tracts  nearest  to  the  markets  and  most  con- 
veniently located  as  regards  facilities  for  transportation 
would  be  entered  upon  first.  There  might  be  a  grand 
scramble  for  Central  Park,  New  York,  and  for  the  highly 
rich  and  verdant  fields  of  the  interior  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  and  for  the  alluvial  plains  of  the  Ohio  and 
Mississippi  valleys,  but  soon  they  would  be  engaged,  and 
the  unfortunate  who  failed  to  get  his  allotment  there 
would  finally  conclude  that  rather  than  take  it  where  he 
could  get  it  he  would  accept  a  dollar  per  day  cleaning 
streets.  Then  again,  who  is  to  determine  what  consti- 
tutes use,  or  what  amount  one  man  may  rightfully  use  ? 
To  this  was  answered,  just  whatever  he  will  use.     Some 


PHRONOCRACV  69 

man  might  claim  that  he  was  using  one  thousand  acres 
by  permitting  it  to  grow  up  in  grass,  and  object  to  ihc 
occupancy  of  any  part  of  it  by  the  man  who  wanted  to 
grow  potatoes. 

It  would  be  necessary  to  have  a  general  inspector 
appointed,  or,  in  other  words,  a  "  use  or  non-use  arbi- 
trator," whose  edicts  would  have  to  be  supreme,  and  at 
times  he  would  find  it  necessary  to  employ  military  force 
to  eject  a  non-user  and  inject  a  supposed  user.  But  the 
supposed  non-user  would  say  :  "  Hay  is  more  useful  this 
year  than  potatoes,  because  there  was  a  plethora  of  pota- 
toes grown  last  year,  which  have  been  largely  buried, 
canned,  and  made  into  salads  ;  and  a  large  part  of  the 
hay  crop  of  last  year  rotted  in  the  stack,  was  put  up 
moist  and  heated  in  the  barn,  so  that  people  need  hay 
for  their  horses,  and  it  is  better  to  use  land  for  that 
thing  which  the  people  want  than  for  that  thing  of  which 
they  possess  a  redundance  already.  Furthermore,  I  have 
hay-seed,  and  I  must  have  ground  to  sow  it  on.  I 
have  mowers  to  cut,  rakes  to  gather,  and  forks  to  stack  ; 
and  with  these  implements  and  my  labor  I  can  handle 
all  the  crop  this  ground  will  produce.  Then  I  have  four 
boys,  all  of  whom  till  this  year  have  been  going  to 
school  ;  now  two  have  finished — that  is,  they  have  gone 
to  school  as  long  as  I  can  afford  to  send  them — longer 
than  I  ever  went  myself, — and  this  year,  and  from  now 
on,  they  must  work  and  earn  their  salt,  and  we  need  all 
this  land,  every  foot  of  it,  and  next  year  we  will  use 
more.  And  then  there  is  Sallie,  she  is  going  to  get  mar- 
ried next  Christmas,  and  the  probability  is  that  I  will 
have  to  take  care  of  her  husband,  that  he  will  live  with 
us,  and,  while  I  will  do  what  is  right  by  him,  yet  he  has 
got  to  pitch  in  the  same  as  myself  and  the  boys,  so  we 
will   want  to  use  several  acres   more  on   that    account. 


70  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

Then  just  over  there  lives  Bill  Smith  ;  one  of  his  best 
working  chaps  died  last  summer,  so  that  he  cannot  use 
what  he  worked  last  year  ;  I  should  have  a  slice  off  of 
him." 

Thus  in  practice  there  would  unavoidably  arise  ques- 
tions and  contentions  as  to  tise,  in  the  proper  and  right- 
ful signification  of  the  term,  and  non-use  ;  disputes  as 
to  who  should  occupy  the  most  desirable  and  most 
accessible,  and  who  the  least  desirable  and  most  remote. 
Again,  to  tax  land  alone  and  to  exempt  all  other 
property  would  work  a  monstrous  injustice  to  a  number 
of  worthy  citizens  and  insure  an  unwarranted  benefit  to 
twice  or  thrice  as  many  more.  To  derive  all  revenue 
from  land  by  collecting  everything  from  it  that  is  needed 
for  governmental  support  simply  and  solely  because  land 
is  open  to  the  scrutiny  of  all  eyes  and  cannot  be 
secreted,  or,  in  other  words,  just  because  from  land  the 
process  of  collection  and  assessment  would  be  sif?ipler, 
expecting  that  the  landowner  would  be  recompensed  by 
an  increased  price  for  his  products,  is  a  proposition 
altogether  different  from  that  which  proposes  to  tax 
land  to,  or  near  to,  its  rental  value,  for  the  very  purpose 
of  opening  it  out  for  use  by  the  public.  If  simplicity  in 
assessments  and  collections  is  the  end  to  be  attained, 
the  desideratum  sought,  the  panacea  for  human  ills,  then 
why  not  make  it  simple  and  tax  every  human  head  one 
hundred  dollars  per  year,  or  one  hundred  cents,  as  the 
needs  of  government  may  require. 

The  head  cannot  be  secreted  in  the  sand,  like  that  of 
an  ostrich,  and  held  there  long  enough  to  escape  the 
visuals  of  the  assessor. 

Since  taxation  to  full  rental  value  is  tantamount  to 
confiscation,  and  since  to  dispossess  a  man  of  the  prod- 
ucts of  his  labor  appears  ridiculously  inconsistent  and 


PHRONOCRACY  71 

absurd,  we  will  treat  for  a  time  that  view  of  the  subject 
which  aims  at  taxation  on  land  on  account  of  simplicity 
in  assessment  and  collection  and  the  non-secretiveness 
of  its  character,  refraining  from  urging  against  this  view 
of  the  case  the  conclusive  and  incontrovertible  argu- 
ment that  head  tax  is  simpler  and  even  less  subject  to 
secrctiveness,  because  there  can  be  no  dispute  as  to  values. 

The  value  of  all  property  in  the  United  States,  as  per 
census  of  1S80,  was  forty-four  billion  dollars,  of  which 
farm  land  represented  about  ten  billion,  or  one  fourth 
the  total  valuation.  To  this  we  will  add  one  twelfth  the 
whole  for  the  valuation  of  city  lots,  exclusive  of  the  im- 
provements, and  call  the  value  in  1880  of  that  class  of 
property  which  alone  the  single-tax  men  propose  to  list, 
one  third  the  whole,  or,  say,  fourteen  billion  dollars. 

In  most  sections  of  the  country  farms  are  taxed  for 
State,  county,  school,  and  road  purposes,  on  an  average 
of  one  and  one  half  pev  cent.  City  property,  houses 
and  personalty  as  well  as  lots,  is  taxed  on  the  average 
about  two  per  cent.,  which,  to  produce  the  same  revenue 
on  the  valuation  of  the  land  and  lots  only,  would  have 
certainly  to  be  doubled,  so  that  to  produce  revenue 
exclusive  of  that  required  by  the  federal  government  an 
assessment  would  be  required,  doubtless  quite  equal  to 
three  per  cent,  on  the  average.  The  requirements  of  the 
federal  government  properly  administered  are  about 
three  hundred  million,  to  derive  which  from  a  valuation 
of  fourteen  billion  would  require  a  levy  of  a  little  over 
two  per  cent,  making  a  total  of  at  least  five  per  cent,  on 
the  valuation  of  1880.  Land  pays  well  that  yields  five 
per  cent.,  hence  such  a  levy  would  be  tantamount  to 
confiscation,  or  the  producing  power  of  land  would  have 
to  be  materially  increased.  How  could  its  net  producing 
power  be  increased,  or,  in  other  words,  how  could  the 


72  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

profits  of  labor  on  soil  be  greater,  unless  operatives  were 
forced  to  work  for  a  lower  price,  or  unless  its  produce 
commanded  a  higher  price  ?  Why  oblige  the  farm 
laborer  to  work  for  less  or  the  consumers  of  farm 
products  to  pay  more,  just  for  the  sake  of  simplicity  in 
assessment  and  collection  and  to  avoid  secretiveness, 
when  by  applying  a  direct  head  tax  both  simplicity  and 
non-secretiveness  are  more  effectually  secured  without 
any  such  useless  discrimination  ?  Values  of  lands  and 
city  lots  have  not  since  1880  averaged  very  far  from 
about  one  third  the  property  of  the  country,  and  it  goes 
without  saying  that,  if  all  revenue  is  taken  from  one 
third  the  valuation,  the  rate  must  be  trebled.  If  the 
rate  on  land  is  trebled,  the  land  is  in  consequence  no 
richer,  and  will  yield  no  greater  crop  with  the  same 
labor.  Hence  the  result  is  inevitable  that  the  cost  of 
production  must  be  diminished  or  the  price  of  products 
advanced.  There  could  be  no  wisdom,  therefore,  in 
changing  existing  conditions  as  to  taxation  on  the 
grounds  of  simplicity — certainly  not  by  the  adoption 
of  a  simple  plan  which  works  an  injury  when  there  is  a 
simpler  one  that  works  none.  To  tax  land  as  proposed 
to  any  less  amount  than  that  which  is  tantamount  to 
confiscation,  effects  no  result  save  a  certain  degree  of 
simplicity,  which  as  shown  has  its  penalties,  tending 
in  no  degree  to  open  land  for  general  occupancy  to  all 
who  would  use.  The  single-tax  men  really  propose  and 
mean  to  confiscate  landed  property,  if  they  mean  to 
accomplish  any  result  whatever,  for  the  simple  shifting 
of  taxes  off  other  things  to  land  for  the  sake  of  simplicity 
is  meaningless,  objectless,  and  useless,  and,  working  as 
it  docs  a  great  discrimination,  is  objectionable,  wrong, 
ridiculous,  and  absurd. 

Governments   are   instituted   and   maintained  for  the 


PHRONOCRACY  73 

protection  of  life  and  property  ;  hence  all  of  that  thing 
which  is  protected,  to  wit,  property,  should  bear  its 
share  of  the  burthen — not  land  alone  or  any  other 
thing  alone. 

Then,  instead  of  calling  themselves  single-  or  land- 
tax-only  advocates,  the  proper  term  to  have  applied 
is  "  land  confiscaiiomsis,'"  for  that  in  fact  and  in  effect 
is  just  what  they  desire,  otherwise  how  could  "equal 
access  to  natural  opportunity  "  be  obtained  ?  The  sin- 
gle-tax men  look  upon  the  appellation  of  land  confis- 
cationists  as  an  opprobrium  from  which  they  shrink, 
though  they  are  obliged  to  admit  that  this  and  this  alone- 
in  fact  and  truth  they  are,  just  as  the  Democrats  called 
themselves  "  tariff  reformers,"  when  ^^free-traders,"  as 
soon  as  it  can  safely  be  reached  (be  it  said  to  their 
credit),  in  fact  and  in  truth  they  are.  The  land  con- 
fiscationists  send  their  orators  abroad  into  the  land  to 
proclaim  the  truth  to  the  masses.  The  farmers  are 
appealed  to  in  persuading  tones  to  join  the  band  and 
free  the  land. 

Aid  us  in  confiscating  your  farms  to  the  state  (though 
of  course  with  these  words  slightly  sugar-coated),  and 
we  will  exempt  you  from  all  other  taxation  ;  you  need 
not  pay  one  dollar  for  duties  on  imports,  nor  a  farthing 
for  tax  on  beer  ;  you  will  therefore  be  enabled  to  buy 
your  clothing  cheaper,  have  your  horses  shod  cheaper, 
drink  your  grog  on  a  cold  winter  night  cheaper,  and  so 
to  the  end  of  the  list,  but  you  must  sacrifice  or  confiscate 
(sugar-coated)  your  farms. 

"  Well,"  said  the  sage  old  rusticuses,  "  that  may  be 
very  good  for  those  who  have  no  farm  ;  they  can  be 
liberal,  but  we  have  been  able  to  raise  enough  potatoes 
to  buy  these  things,  and  we  can  see  no  sense  in  giving 
up  our  farms  in  order  that  we  may  get  other  things  a  little 


74  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

cheaper.  Even  if  the  state  would  promise  to  give  us 
everything  for  nothing,  we  would  rather  keep  the  farms. 
If  you  have  got  a  scheme  by  which  taxation  can  be  taken 
off  the  land  entirely,  we  are  ready  to  help  you  out  ;  but 
to  agree  to  aid  you  in  making  land  sustain  the  whole 
load,  we  believe  we  would  rather  pass."  In  Australia 
the  land-tax  idea  began  to  take  root,  but  it  was  soon  ob- 
served that,  to  the  extent  that  such  a  system  sought  to 
accomplish  anything  but  simplicity  in  assessment  and 
collection  and  avoidance  of  secretiveness,  it  was  illusory 
and  absurd — a  pseudo-bleptic phaiitoitmatioii. 

There  is  no  greater  reason  why  land  which  is  prop- 
erty should  be  owned  by  the  state  and  open  to  occupancy 
to  all,  when  there  is  any  person  or  being  who  is  willing 
to  pay  the  product  of  labor  for  it,  than  there  is  for  sub- 
jecting all  other  property  to  the  same  identical  condi- 
tions, which  is  communism,  plain  and  simple,  without  the 
conservative  balance. 

When  governments  hold  unoccupied  lands,  as  is  the 
case  in  Australia,  where  the  sentiment  took  root,  and  in 
America,  some  years  ago,  it  is  of  course  policy  to  in- 
vite in  occupants  ;  but  when  these  conditions  as  to  land 
exist,  the  pre-emption,  settlement,  and  pioneer  occupa- 
tion are  about  the  full  measure  of  its  value.  When 
population  increases,  and  roads  and  churches  and 
school-houses  and  fences  are  built,  then  land  has  an 
increased  value,  and  should  become  possessed  or  owned 
only  at  that  increased  value,  and  this  was  not  the  case 
originally  when  pioneership  paid  for  it  amply  and  well. 
The  land  confiscationists,  when  forced  at  times  to 
lick  the  sugar  off  their  pills,  admit  that  practically  they 
are  v/hat  they  are  ;  yet  they  claim  that  there  is  no  injus- 
tice in  it.  Many  kinds  and  classes  of  property  they  say 
are  ruthlessly  destroyed  in  the  prevailing  rage  for  inno- 


PHRONOCRACY  75 

vation,  and  by  the  invention  or  substitution  of  something 
that  suits  the  purposes  of  civilization  better,  and  if  it 
suited  civilization  better  to  confiscate  the  land,  why  not 
with  equal  reason  and  equal  justice  adopt  that  policy,  as 
well  as  to  have  adopted  the  railway  carriage  in  place 
of  the  old  stage-coach  ;  that  the  introduction  of  the 
car  practically  confiscated  the  coach,  and  no  one  ques- 
tioned the  policy  of  the  proceeding  ;  that  whatever  a 
majority  of  the  people  wish  must  be  law,  if  it  be  to  live 
on  nothing  but  moonshine,  and  if  enough  of  them 
could  continue  to  live  to  enforce  such  a  law,  it  would 
be  enforced. 

It  is  of  course  undeniable  that  the  majority  should  and 
must  rule,  but  it  will  be  a  long  time  and  a  cold  day 
before  a  majority  is  to  be  found  who  will  pass  a  law  to 
the  effect  that  every  individual  should  commit  hari- 
kari  or  hang  for  a  week  by  his  toes.  If  a  majority 
should  say,  "  We  will  confiscate  land,"  then  so  be  it  ; 
but  he  who  waits  to  see  it  will  live  beyond  a  century. 
The  argument  that  property  is  daily  confiscated  by  the 
substitution  of  something  better  than  the  old,  reacts 
upon  itself,  and  is  completely  answered  when  we  say, 
"  Make  available  to  man  or  cause  to  exist  a  substitute  for 
land  that  is  better  than  land,  and  the  natural  course  of 
events  and  not  confiscation  schemes — the  failure  of  the 
unfittest  to  survive — will  work  its  abandonment."  No 
legislator  ever  proclaimed  that  the  stage-coach  should 
become  common  property  ;  if  so,  he  would  have  been 
unwise  and  revolutionary  ;  but  it  served  its  time  in  the 
march  of  life,  and  succumbed  to  a  fitter  machine  when 
natural  causes  made  it  so,  and  likewise,  and  to  the  same 
extent  and  with  equal  justice,  will  land  succumb  when 
in  the  march  of  the  world's  affairs  something  fitter  can 
survive. 


76  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

To  say  that  you  shall  not  own  land  is  one  thing,  and 
to  produce  a  substitute  that  people  would  rather  own  is 
quite  another ;  a  blind  man  might  almost  see  the  utter 
folly,  irrelevancy  and  absurdity  of  their  position,  so  plain 
is  it. 

Aside  from  the  access  to  land  for  the  purposes  of 
agriculture,  there  is  the  mineral  and  metallic  feature  to 
be  considered.  The  living  of  all,  in  some  shape,  comes 
out  of  the  ground.  A  man  pays  the  product  of  his  labor 
for  a  hundred  acre  tract,  presumably  for  purposes  of 
agriculture,  and  discovers  thereon  or  thereunder  a  rich 
vein  of  coal.  To  whom  does  that  coal  belong  ?  It 
is  the  gift  of  God  not  to  one  man  in  particular  but  to  all 
men  in  general.  It  belongs  rightfully  and  justly  to  him 
who  owns  the  land,  and  by  the  same  identical  chain  of 
titles  from  the  beginning,  and  no  man  or  set  of  men  has 
a  right,  either  inherent,  expressed,  or  implied,  to  dispos- 
sess him  of  that  coal  without  his  consent  any  more  than 
(if  by  a  cataclysm  of  nature  he  should  become  dis- 
possessed) he  would  have  the  right  to  force  any  man  or 
set  of  men  to  repossess  him  against  their  consent.  Man 
is  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  good-fortune  to  a  reasonable 
extent,  and  should  not  be  asked  or  expected  to  share 
same  with  the  public  (except  after  it  has  become  abnor- 
mal, useless,  and  unweildy)  any  more  than  the  public 
should  be  expected  to  share  his  misfortunes,  his  sickness, 
or  disease  until  they  become  abnormal  and  too  great  for 
him  to  bear  ;  then  all  now  admit  that  the  public  should 
share  his  burthen — that  is,  provide  him  a  bed  in  a 
hospital  and  a  competent  nurse,  and  bury  him  if  he 
dies.  Since  it  was  long  ago  admitted  and  in  practice 
that  the  public  should  share  with  the  individual  his 
extraordinary  afflictions,  to  the  extent  that  would  not  be 
hurtful  to  the  public  by  placing  a  premium  on  idleness. 


PHRONOCRACY  7/ 

SO  likewise  should  it  be  admitted  that  the  individual 
should  in  turn  share  with  the  public  his  extraordinary 
benefits,  to  an  extent  that  will  not  be  hurtful  to  himself 
by  depriving  him  of  reasonable  reward  for  his  energy  and 
his  strife.  Whilst  it  is  neither  fair  nor  equitable  nor  just 
to  institute  that  condition  in  society  which  will  interfere 
with,  hamper,  or  oppress  any  individual  in  the  possession 
and  enjoyment  of  the  fruits  of  his  labor  or  the  rewards 
of  his  good-fortune,  yet,  as  civilization  progresses,  the 
current  opinion  of  the  world  rather  settles  down  to  the 
belief  that  monstrosities  in  individual  accumulation  are 
like  monstrosities  in  nature — that  is,  undesirable  and  of 
no  account  ;  that  when  a  man,  either  by  dint  of  hard 
labor  or  good-fortune,  has  amassed  an  estate  equal  in  its 
productive  capacity  to  the  labor  of  several  thousand  of 
his  fellow-men,  or,  in  other  words,  when  he  owns  the 
labor  of  several  thousand  of  his  fellow-men  by  securing 
possession  of  a  certain  amount  of  the  wealth  that  their 
labor  had  produced,  and  which  wealth  he  has  acquired 
by  his  tact,  his  shrewdness,  his  energy,  his  skill,  or  his 
good  luck — all  recognizable  and  properly  creditable  to 
his  account  in  a  well-conditioned  state  of  society, — 
nevertheless,  when  this  accumulation  had  become  mon- 
strous, which  by  reason  of  its  own  accretion,  aided 
by  an  increment  which  the  need  of  society  contributes, 
as  it  frequently  does,  that  it  is  not,  in  fact,  an  injustice 
to  the  individual,  it  works  him  no  harm  nor  causes  him 
any  discomfort  to  say  to  him  that  you  shall  hereafter 
contribute  to  the  support  of  government  a  larger  propor- 
tionate share  of  your  inordinate  wealth  than  shall 
be  required  of  your  brother  who  possesses  it  only 
to  a  reasonable  competency,  but  that  this  increased 
proportionate  contribution  shall  work  you  no  injury  nor 
cause  you  any  discomfort  in  truth  and  in  fact.      A  titled 


/S  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

aristocrat  in  England  was  said  at  one  time  to  own  and 

*  control  about  half  the  coal  out-put  of  that  country.  His 
wealth  was  of  course  colossal  but  it  represented  the  accu- 
mulation of  much  time  and  many  favorable  conditions, 
for  the  reason  that  the  progress  of  civilization  and  the 
increase  of  population  is  slower  in  England  than  in 
America,  where  there  now  lives  richer  men  whose  estate 
represents  the  accretion  of  but  one  generation,  because 
the  progress  of  civilization  in  America  and  the  increase 
of  population — consequently  the  increase  of  demand  and 
the  gain  from  the  strides  of  unearned  increment — are 
faster.  Unearned  increment  or  the  accretion  of  wealth 
in  America  is  actually  more  rapid  in  many  cases  than 

•  disintegration  by  inherited  division.  For  example  :  in- 
dividuals of  the  third  generation  lived,  in  1890,  whose 
estates,  though  originally  but  a  part  of  the  grandsire's 
possessions,  are  now  greater  than  the  original  in  its  en- 
tirety. This  could  not  have  been  the  case  in  England 
but  for  the  prevalence  of  the  idea  of  estate  tail  and  primo- 
geniture, an  institution  completely  dissipated  in  the  minds 
of  those  who  have  progressed  sufficiently  to  recognize 
even  remotely  that  there  are  no  natural  rights  whatsoever 
inherent  in  one  man  and  not  as  well  in  another.  It  usu- 
ally happens  that  to  make  any  great  storehouse  of  nature 
available  to  the  people  industry  and  enterprise  must  both 
be  expended  and  accumulated  capital  must  be  forthcom- 
ing or  nothing  can  be  accomplished. 

If  all  men  had  access  to  land  and  its  belongings  these 
great  resources  of  latent  and  undeveloped  wealth  would  in 
the  main  be  operated  in  a  crude  and  primeval  manner, 
without  system  and  method,  without  concentrated  brain 
force  and  energy — all  essential  to  the  best  results  in  enter- 
prise and  business.  If  such  property  could  not  be  owned 
and  ten  thousand  men  should  elect  on  their  individual 


PHRONOCRACY  79 

motion  to  enter  in  upon  and  mine  coal  as  a  profitable 
occupation,  they  could  not,  other  than  by  a  combination 
of  interests  directed  to  the  construction  of  tramways, 
hoists,  and  other  necessary  apparatus,  possibly  do  other 
or  more  than  to  operate  in  the  most  crude  and  ineffect- 
ual manner — such  as  digging  in  the  pit  and  then  on  their 
backs  conveying  the  product  to  the  entrance  of  the  mine 
or  to  the  dump,  resulting  unavoidably  in  a  smaller  aggre- 
gate of  production.  When  this  had  been  accomplished, 
such  is  the  natural  situation  of  mines  relatively  to  the 
world's  consuming  centres,  that  transportation  would 
have  to  be  provided  for.  Since,  though  land  be  free, 
man  could,  under  single  tax,  own  countless  thousands 
of  railway  carriages,  and,  even  under  the  said  system, 
combine  them  into  trusts  so  as  to  prevent  opposition, 
and,  worse  than  all,  avoid  taxation, — colossal  transporta- 
tion companies  would  notwithstanding  "uninterrupted 
access  "  be  organized  to  carry  the  coal  to  the  nearest 
point  of  consumption,  and  since  only  by  their  inter- 
mediation could  the  product  be  used  at  all,  they 
would  exact  for  this  service  such  a  compensation  as 
would  leave  to  the  operator  and  his  "uninterrupted 
access  to  natural  opportunity"  an  amount  simply  suffi- 
cient to  maintain  his  bodily  existence,  and  in  no  case 
more  in  effect  if  indeed  as  much  as  if  the  transportation 
companies  had  owned  the  mines  as  well  as  the  railways 
and  improved  their  appointments  (as  can  only  be 
done  by  concentrated  capital)  and  paid  the  operators 
their  per  diem.  Greater  would  be  the  chance  of  in- 
creased compensation  by  rigid  and  inflexible  labor  or- 
ganization than  by  "  uninterrupted  access  to  natural 
opportunity,"  and,  be  that  organization  inflexible  and 
rigid,  howsoever,  in  the  end  and  on  the  average  supply 
and  demand  will  settle  the  whole  question,  so  that  the 


8o  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

intermediation  of  labor  combination,  restrictive  legisla- 
tion, or  any  device  whatsoever  not  bottomed  on  the  eter- 
nal substratum — the  natural  ebb  and  flow  of  things — will 
ultimately  become  absolutely  ineffectual  and  abortive — 
if  not  "  then  is  an  adder  better  than  an  eel  because  his 
skin  is  painted."  What  signifies  the  i^rice  of  a  man's 
labor  ? — simply  what  it  will  buy,  or,  in  other  words,  the 
amount  of  the  things  produced  by  the  labor  of  other  men 
for  which  it  can  be  exchanged.  If,  therefore,  all  men 
should  demand  and  all  men  should  secure  an  advance  in 
their  wages,  would  not  the  price  of  all  commodities  inevi- 
tably advance  in  proportion,  so  that  the  condition  rela- 
tively would  be  exactly  the  same  ?  If  two  bushels  of  wheat 
had  heretofore  been  worth  one  pair  of  boots,  what  matters 
it  if  things  are  so  altered  as  that  four  bushels  of  wheat 
are  worth  two  pair  of  boots  ?  If,  however,  the  coal  miner, 
only,  by  combination  secures  an  advance  in  his  wages, 
his  labor  is  of  course  producing  relatively  more  than 
that  of  the  bootmaker, — rather  his  product  secures  more 
of  the  product  of  his  fellows  than  heretofore, — so  he  is 
happy  ;  but,  whenever  his  condition  has  been  bettered  in 
any  noticeable  particular,  here  come  along  ten  thousand 
men  and  begin  to  apply  for  jobs  as  miners,  and  ere  long 
they  acquire  proficiency  ;  hence  increased  competition 
follows  and  the  price  goes  down  though  maintained,  it 
may  be,  for  a  time  by  labor  organization,  but  in  the  end 
and  on  the  average  the  level  will  be  reached.  It  may  be 
asked,  then  how  do  some  men  gain  wealth  in  excess  of 
others  at  all  ?  To  which  we  answer,  in  ten  thousand 
ways,  but  all  depending  upon  the  utilization  of  and  con- 
sequent profit  derived  from  the  labor  of  his  fellow-men, 
or  by  the  natural  accretion  of  property  of  which  he  has 
become  possessed,  by  the  natural  demands  of  society — 
all  of  which  is  right,  just,  and  proper  ;  but  for  the  good 


PHKONUCKACY  8 1 

of  many  and  to  the  harm  of  none  it  should  be  deter- 
mined not  to  permit  it  to  go  too  far.  Cause  men  to  con- 
tribute to  government  in  proportion  to  their  ability,  and 
ere  long  their  accumulations  (which  beyond  certain 
limits  are  not  often  the  result  of  their  own  energy  or 
ability  anyhow,  but  of  fortune  or  of  the  natural  accretions 
of  property  inherently)  will  cease. 

This  it  will  be  found,  after  schemes  and  plans  without 
number  have  been  proposed  and  concocted,  after  man's 
brain  has  been  racked  till  confusion  and  chaos  has  char- 
acterized his  being,  is  about  all  that  can  be  done  to 
better  man's  condition,  and  consistently  with  man's  right 
to  property  and  to  a  reasonable  reward  for  his  energy  is, 
in  fact,  all  that  should  be  done  ;  in  other  words, /z^/  a 
governor  on  the  engine  and  then  turn  on  the  steajn. 

Better  this  than  to  continuously  try  to  regulate  the 
speed  by  tampering  with  the  throttle  direct.  Let  the 
speed  check  itself,  let  the  slothfulness  accelerate  it.  Be- 
fore the  governor  will  work,  the  engine  must  have 
motion  ;  so  before  civilization  can  progress  it  must  have 
motion,  and  as  the  force  that  creates  motion  in  the 
engine  is  steam,  so  the  force  that  creates  it  in  civilization 
is  individual  energy  and  action,  and  not  theories  for  the 
eradication  of  poverty,  nor  for  the  extirpation  of  disease 
(both  equally  impossible),  nor  for  "uninterrupted  access 
to  natural  opportunity,"  nor  the  lack  of  it,  nor  by  schemes 
for  discriminating  paternalism  in  government,  nor  by 
anything  of  kindred  import.  Another  and  equally  un- 
tenable proposition  of  the  single  tax,  or  land  confisca- 
tionists,  is  that  to  impose  a  tax  on  the  products  of  labor 
is  to  discourage  and  thwart  the  exercise  of  that  labor  ; 
that  to  tax  a  house — the  product  of  a  man's,  or  of  many 
men's,  toil — would  discourage  the  building  of  houses,  and 
not  only  so,  but  to  tax  the  products  of  labor  is  inherently 


82  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

and  of  itself  unjust,  and  to  tax  anything  save  the  "  God- 
given  inheritance  "  on  which  we  live,  breathe,  and  have 
our  being  is  hostile  to  progress  and  inimical  to  the  best 
interests,  aims,  objects,  hopes,  and  aspirations  of  men. 
With  reason  equally  cogent  and  uncontrovertible,  we  can 
say  that  the  air  and  water  are  the  "  God-given  inheri- 
tance," and  if  the  principle  of  taxation,  which  is  simply 
a   human    institution   for   providing    means   to   protect 
human  property  against  human  viciousness  and  unre- 
straint, is  applicable  only  to  the  crude  material  substance 
of   nature,    these   too   are   not   justifiably  exempt,    and 
should  by  some  human  device  be  made  returnable  to  the 
assessor.     If  it  is  right  to  tax  only  the  "  God-given  inheri- 
tance," it  is  right  to  tax  any  one  as  well  as  any  other 
of  these  God-inherited  things,  and  wrong  to  exempt  one 
and    overburthen    the   other.     It    could   be   reasonably 
closely  estimated  how  many  respirations  man  makes  in  a 
day — that  is,  how  much  air  he  vitiates — and,  likewise,  how 
much  water  he  drinks  and  how  much  he  uses  for  his 
bath,  and  on  each  thousand  respirations  of  a  man  of  or- 
dinary pectoral  development  a  certain  levy  might  be  im- 
posed,  and,   aside   from   the    price   of   convenient   and 
expeditious  delivery,  a  certain  levy  could  be  made  on 
each  thousand  gallons  of  aqua  pure  consumed  ;  these, 
together  with  the  other  God-given  inheritance — land, — 
forming  a  grand  triumvirate  of  natural  objects  that  are 
not   man-produced   or   man-altered,  hence    the   proper 
subjects  of  taxation — the  three  forming  a  tout  ensemble 
too   utterly   just   and  equitable,  too   absolutely   perfect 
and   indiscriminating,    too    entirely   alleviatory   of   the 
burthens  that  oppress  mankind,  to  be  considered  pos- 
sible of  human  contrivance  or  invention.     The  scheme 
itself  must  therefore   be  "  God-given,"  as  are  the  arti- 
cles properly  subject   to   taxation.     Why,  in  the  name 


PHROXOCRACY  83 

of  all  that  is  just  and  reasonable,  yes,  "in  the  name  ol 
all  the  gods  at  once,"  should  not  property — all  property 
— be  the  proper  subject  of  taxation,  since  it  is  in  the  in- 
terest of  property,  in  fact,  solely  for  the  protection  of  in- 
dividual rights  in  and  to  property  and  life  that  taxation 
is  to  be  or  should  be  imposed  on  anything  ?  The  impo- 
sition of  a  tax  under  proper  regulations  does  not  inter- 
fere with  the  exercise  of  individual  energy  any  more  than 
a  hat  on  the  head  interferes  with  individual  thought.  A 
man  who  had  intended  to  construct  a  house,  either  for 
occupancy  or  investment,  is  seldom  deterred  therefrom 
because  of  taxation.  He  builds  with  a  knowledge  of  the 
fact  that  certain  taxes  must  and  will  be  imposed,  and 
figures  that  rents  and  income  from  the  use  of  his  house 
will  be  correspondingly  high.  It  is  a  well-known  fact 
that  in  communities  where  taxes  are  high  rents  are 
usually  commensurable,  and  profits  and  returns  corre- 
spondingly so  ;  and  in  .places  where  reverse  conditions 
exist  reverse  results  obtain  :  in  a  word,  the  ability  to  pay 
a  tax  is  proportionate  to  the  productive  value  of  the 
property,  and  it  matters  not  if  temporarily  a  dispropor- 
tion should  exist,  in  the  end  it  will  be  found  that  on  the 
average  the  proper  ratio  remains.  It  is  but  a  fair  con- 
clusion, deducible  from  commercial  experience  generally, 
that  if  taxes  on  houses  were  taken  off,  the  rents,  in  the 
regular  adjustment  of  things,  would  proportionately  de- 
cline, just  as  the  tax  on  spirituous  or  malt  liquors  adds 
that  much  to  their  price,  and  in  the  end  is  paid  in  full 
by  the  men  who  shall  buy,  so  likewise  is  the  tax  on  a 
house  paid  in  the  end  by  the  man  who  shall  use,  bringing 
about  a  balance,  compensating  the  owner,  and  not  deter- 
ring him  from  constructing.  Why  do  sane  men  urge 
such  nonsense  as  a  remedy  for  social  wrong  ?  W/iy  shoot 
quids  at  giants  or  storm  citadels  with  sand  ? 


84  POLITICS   AND    PR(JFERTY 

If  houses  are  constructed  or  steamships  built  in  excess 
of  demand  for  legitimate  use,  rents  and  traffic  rates  will 
decline,  taxation  or  no  taxation  ;  and  if  demand  exists 
in  excess  of  supply,  rents  and  traffic  rates  will  advance, 
taxation  or  no  taxation.  Hence,  to  the  winds  with  the 
theory  that  taxation  retards  and  thwarts  individual  enter- 
prise, and  that  taxation  on  earth,  air,  and  water  alone 
would  expedite  same — it  is  a  barren  ideality.  Again,  it 
is  a  fair  supposition  that  taxation  in  the  aggregate  and 
on  the  average  amounts  to  about  twenty-five  per  cent. 
of  rent,  or  say  a  house  yielding  eight  per  cent,  on  cost 
will  pay  about  two  per  cent,  in  tax.  It  cannot  be  proven 
that  with  no  tax  twenty-five  per  cent,  more  houses  would 
be  built  should  the  demand  remain  the  same.  It  may 
be  urged  that  demand  would  increase,  which  proposition 
is  equally  uncertain,  because  demand  usually  follows  in- 
crease of  ix)pulation,  not  decrease  of  taxation,  and  will 
more  likely  be  doubled  if  population  is  doubled  than  if 
taxation  is  halved.  There  is  no  more  justice  anyhow  in 
taxing  property  that  is  the  result  of  the  "  God-given 
inheritance "  (which  is  valuable  only  as  man's  labor 
makes  it  so)  than  to  tax  anything  else  he  may  own. 
A  man  cannot  eat  the  land  nor  sleep  on  it  comfortably 
in  most  localities  without  blankets  or  some  other  article 
which  is  the  product  of  his  labor,  and  since  by  the  same 
rightful  title  that  a  tree  holds  certain  soil  by  its  roots  he 
becomes  the  owner  of  it,  and  then  of  products  made  out 
of  it  by  his  labor,  and  to  protect  which  products  (all  of 
them)  he  institutes  government,  and  to  support  that 
government  he  imposes  taxation,  it  is  right  that  all  of 
that  property  should  contribute.  Of  course  by  common 
consent  all  men  who  constitute  society  could  in  the  be- 
ginning mutually  agree  that  some  one  commodity  should 
bear  all    taxation    for   purposes    of    simplicity,    or   that 


PHRON'OCRACV  8$ 

some  article  dPluxury  should  be  chosen  because  it 
would  bear  more  lightly  on  the  less  fortunate  of  the 
state,  and  this  commodity  would  thereafter  be  held  and 
possessed  with  reference  thereto,  and  the  thing  would  be 
just  and  equitable  ;  but  after  man's  energies  have  been 
expended,  and  the  products  of  the  labor  of  some  have 
been  invested  in  houses  and  some  in  merchandise  and 
some  in  land,  he  who  maintains  that  that  land  should  be 
confiscated  opposes  the  first  principle  of  common  justice 
itself.  It  is  highly  desirable  and  strictly  proper  to  select 
some  article  of  luxury  from  which  to  derive  most  of  the 
tax,  for  from  that  source  it  is  least  burthensome  on 
society,  and  what  can  possibly  be  7nure  luxuriant  than  the 
extraordinary  accumulations,  and  the  useless  a7id burthensome 
accretions,  of  individual  wealth — all  wholly  luxurious  ex- 
cept to  the  extent  that  luxury  is  marred  by  anxiety  and 
care  ?  From  this  source  all  taxation  should  be  taken 
that  is  consistent  with  a  proper  regard  by  society  for  the 
reasonable  expectations  and  rewards  of  the  individual, 
and  not  from  land  ojily,  not  from  water  only,  nor  from  any 
other  thing  only,  except  these  extraordinary  accumulations 
only. 

To  the  land  confiscationists,  to  the  government  absorp- 
tionist,  to  the  agrarians, — in  fact,  to  all  who  are  opposed 
to  acquiescing  in  the  conditions  of  affairs  as  they  are 
just  because  they  are  so,  and  who  do  not  admit  that  they 
could  be  better  just  because  they  are  not  bettered, — 
which  class  of  the  world's  people  (excluding  the  anar- 
chists, who  are  nothing)  are  not  only  worthy  of  highest 
respect  and  consideration,  but  are  essentially  its  brain, 
its  bone,  and  its  sinew,  is  proposed  this  affirmation  and 
disproof  anxiously  awaited,  to  wit  : 

Any  enactjncnt  or  law  that  burthens  all  mankind  the 
same,  the  betiefits  of  which  are  available  to  all  mankind  the 


86  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

same,  will  not  materially  alter  the  relative  condition  of  all 
mankind. 

A  restraining  enactment  is  like  a  load  upon  the  shoul- 
ders of  society.  Some  will  sustain  it  easier,  and  make 
progress  under  it  better  than  others,  simply  and  solely 
because  they  are  inherently  stronger,  because  they  are 
favored  with  more  encouraging  or,  as  the  case  may 
be,  less  discouraging  circumstances  or  conditions.  So, 
on  the  other  hand,  is  abolition  of  a  restraining  law  or 
the  enactments  of  a  supposed  beneficial  law  like  unto  an 
assistant  or  an  impetus  to  society  ;  consequently  being 
applicable  to  all  mankind  both  as  to  benefit  or  burthen 
as  the  case  may  be,  and  mankind  still  retaining  their 
individual  attributes,  characteristics,  and  instincts  as 
before,  or  being  the  same  as  before — the  subjects  of 
favorable  or  unfavorable  conditions  and  opportunities, 
which  will  always  be  an  incident  to  the  world's  affairs, 
just  as  daylight  and  darkness  are  incident  to  and  conse- 
quent upon  its  rotation  on  its  axis,  it  follows  inevitably 
that  their  relative  conditions  cannot  be  materially  altered. 
Give  to  all  mankind  equal  and  uninterrupted  access  to 
natural  opportunity  and — if  there  is  anything  valuable 
in  it — some  will  make  better  use  of  it  than  others,  until 
in  the  end  the  same  relative  condition  will  exist  as 
before.  If  we  would  take  a  horizontal  view  of  mankind 
in  general,  as  he  peregrinates  the  surface  of  this  mun- 
dane sphere,  prosecuting  his  little,  but  to  him,  great, 
business,  he  would  perhaps  resemble  the  great  Egyptian 
pyramid  in  the  valley  of  the  Nile  and  its  surroundings, 
the  masses  likened  unto  the  sands  that  lie  in  myriads  at 
its  base,  the  higher  classes  in  horizontal  planes  above  and 
above  to  the  acme  of  human  preferment  and  earthly 
renown  at  the  top.  It  is  asked  what  could  be  the  rela- 
tive difference  in  their  conditions  if  the  whole  thing  was 


PHRONOCRACV  87 

lifted  up  one  thousand  feet,  or  the  whole  settled  down 
one  hundred  feet  ? 

Laws  under  which  all  have  the  same  opportunity  and 
all  sustain  the  same  burthen  certainly  leave  the  previous 
relative  condition  unchanged.  The  only  remedy  there- 
fore is  to  enact  laws  that  do  not  offer  to  all  the  same 
opportunity  and  which  place  on  some  greater  burthens 
than  on  others  ;  and  to  so  adjust  these  laws  as  to  leave 
to  him  by  whom  the  greatest  load  is  borne,  ample  oppor- 
tunity for  life,  liberty,  and  action,  and  not  to  make  the 
load  so  light  on  any  as  that  they  should  have  life,  liberty, 
and  action  thrust  upon  them  and  be  maintained  without 
effort,  is  difficult,  but  by  Phronocracy  it  is  explained. 

It  can  be  accomplished  by  making  all  men  contribute 
to  government  in  proportion  to  their  ability  to  contribute 
and  by  not  permitting  men  who  contribute  nothing  to 
participate  in  government  at  all.  It  will  be,  of  course, 
urged  against  the  proposition  that  it  is  per  se  and  ipso 
facto  socialistic,  to  which  it  is  answered  :  yea,  verily, 
but  it  is  a  very  mild  and  harmless  type  of  that  disorder  ; 
rather  it  is  conservative  socialism,  which  recognizes 
man's  right  to  a  reasonable,  yes,  liberal,  reward  for 
his  energy  and  his  action,  and  proposes,  in  addition, 
to  recompense  him  for  the  sacrifice  of  his  extra- 
ordinary accumulation,  by  guaranteeing  increased  secu- 
rity and  protection  for  the  reasonable  and  abundant 
remnant  that  he  may  yet  retain,  by  denying  to  men  who 
have  no  property  all  right  of  participation  in  the  gov- 
ernment that  is  instituted  for  the  protection  of  property. 

It  is  admitted  also  that  in  addition  to  this  conserva- 
tive socialism  a  certain  additional  socialistic  spirit 
should  prevail,  but  this  may  be  to  a  certain  extent 
curtailed. 

For  example,  it  is  a  self-evident  proposition    that  all 


88  rul.lTUS    AND    PROPERTV 

streets  in  cities  must  be  maintained  at  public  expense 
for  the  free  and  untaxed  use  of  all  ;  that  this  is  in  the 
nature  of  a  thing  necessary  ;  also  that  cities  should,  but 
to  the  least  possible  extent,  maintain  almshouses  for  the 
poor,  since  poverty  cannot  be  absolutely  abolished  ;  also 
support  hospitals  for  the  sick,  since  disease  is  the  twin 
brother  of  poverty,  though  perhaps  born  first.  Cities 
should  likewise  support  a  cordon  of  police,  and  a  trained 
brigade  for  the  extinguishment  of  fires,  and  appliances 
for  lighting  their  streets,  for  cleaning  same,  and  for  the 
removal  of  garbage  and  filth — all  admitted  to  be  in  keep- 
ing with  the  natural  order  of  things  ;  also  public  docks 
and  wharves  might  at  times  be  necessary,  and  if  so  should 
be  provided.  So  likewise  should  counties  support  public 
roads,  and,  at  times,  public  asylums.  All  these  things, 
however,  are  matters  of  exclusive  local  control,  and  are 
not  uniform  or  the  same  throughout  the  land. 

This  may  be  objected  to  on  the  grounds  of  socialism, 
as  are  also  public  parks  and  edifices  ;  but  these  objec- 
tions appear  technical  and  captious,  and  of  course  avail 
but  little.  No  man  can  deny  the  socialistic  feature. 
Yet  certain  things  appear  proper  just  because  they  are 
necessary,  certain  things  it  appears  to  be  the  communi- 
ties' right  to  do  just  because  they  are  required  ;  and,  all 
consenting,  or  a  very  small  minority  objecting,  they  are 
done.  In  fact,  such  socialism  as  is  practised  appears  to 
be  a  benefit  to  property  ;  a  broad,  smooth  street  and  a 
level  country  road  increases  the  value  of  property,  even 
though  everybody  can  use  it  on  the  socialistic  principle. 
The  government  absorptionists  then  conclude  that  if  it 
is  good  for  a  county  to  maintain  a  road,  why  should  not 
government  maintain  all  roads  ;  to  which  it  is  replied 
that  if  it  is  good  to  eat  three  meals  per  day,  why 
not  three  hundred  ?     Three   hundred   are  not   thought 


FHRONOCRACY  89 

wholesome  for  the  body,  and  Uiree  are  a  benefit  ;  so 
likewise  free  streets  and  country  roads  are  in  practice 
and  in  conformity  with  the  natural  order  of  things  good 
and  wholesome,  and  the  absorption  of  any  more  of  the 
people's  business  by  government  is  not  good  or  whole- 
some. It  is  much  more  hurtful  to  place  too  much  with 
government  than  to  leave  too  little  with  it,  and  since  the 
people  are  the  creators  of  the  government  and  the  gov- 
ernment when  created  is  administered  by  people  like 
themselves,  why  give  to  simple  agents  what  can  be  as 
well,  yea,  to  a  better  extent,  performed  by  the  princi- 
pals ?  The  enlightened  world  has  ceased  to  believe  that 
governments  of  right  should  possess  many  if  any  pre- 
rogatives or  powers  other  than  such  as  are  required  to 
preserve  domestic  order,  to  maintain  the  public  defence, 
regulate  commerce  between  sections,  and  provide  uniform 
standards  of  currency,  weights,  measures,  and  the  like. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Phronocracy :  what  is  it  ? — Other  efforts  at  reform  impracticable — 
Cumulative  taxation  should  be  adopted — Monopolistic  enterprises 
must  be  popularly  owned — Taxation  on  individual  excesses  just 
and  proper — Rate  always  one  cent  per  each  thousand  dollars 
cumulative — Uselessness  of  excessive  wealth  and  folly  of  univer- 
sal suffrage  ;  amendment  curtailing  both — Rate  to  apply  to  indi- 
viduals only,  not  to  corporations — Desirableness  of  more  popular 
ownership  of  enterprises  and  less  popular  participation  in 
government. 

' '  This  is  the  state  of  man  :   to-day  he  puts  forth 
The  tender  leaves  of  hope,  to-morrow  blossoms, 
And  bears  his  blushing  honors  thick  upon  him  ; 
The  third  day,  comes  a  frost,  a  killing  frost ; 
And — when  he  thinks,  good  easy  man,  full  surely 
His  greatness  is  a  ripening — nips  his  root. 
And  then  he  falls,  as  I  do." 

Truly  it  may  be  said,  and  in  candor  we  may  confess, 
that  in  treating  so  great  a  subject  all  men 

"  Have  ventured, 
Like  little  wanton  boys  that  swim  on  bladders 
This  many  summers  in  a  sea  of  glory. 
But  far  beyond  their  depth." 

And  that  though  striving  to  seek  truth,  banish  false- 
hood, and  to  reconcile  the  apparent  inconsistencies  of 
society  and  to  better  regulate  its  operations,  they  have 
received  no  other  or  greater  reward  than  to  be  left, 

"  Weary  and  old  with  service,  to  the  mercy 
Of  a  rude  stream  that  must  forever  hide  them." 

90 


HiRONOCRAC^  91 

However,  it  will  never  do  for  progressive  man  to  con- 
tent himself  with  the  reflection  that  whatever  is  is  best, 
for  if  so,  what  now  is  never  would  have  been.  Neither 
should  we  refrain  from  the  careful  consideration  of  a 
proposition  because  it  at  first  appears  unreasonable. 

"  Our  doubts  are  traitors,  which  make  us  lose 
The  good  we  oft  might  win,  by  failing  to  attempt." 

There  is  great  room  and  great  necessity  for  the  better- 
ment of  social  conditions  throughout  the  world,  and 
where  there  are  both  room  and  necessity,  efforts  will  be 
continuous,  and,  as  society  advances,  better  and  greater 
will  be  the  result. 

Anarchy  will  not  do,  and  is  offensive  to  order  ;  out-and- 
out  agrarianism,  communism,  or  socialism  will  not  an- 
swer, for  they  are  inimical  to  the  natural  right  of  man  to 
the  fruits  of  his  own  labor  ;  government  absorption  will 
not  do,  because  of  being  in  effect  the  same  thing ; 
land  confiscation  will  not  do,  because  it  is  impractica- 
ble and  non-efficacious.  All  other  systems  and  plans  that 
aim  in  any  way  at  property  rights  should  be  abandoned, 
and  those  who  look  to  legislation  will  soon  discover  that 
through  it  lies  the  only  possible  remedy  ;  yet  legislation 
that  is  of  such  character  and  intent  as  to  affect  all  men 
alike  will  leave  the  relative  condition  the  same,  and  hence 
be  ineffectual  and  abortive. 

Legislation,  therefore,  that  will  apply  to  men  differ- 
ently is  about  the  last  resort.  It  is  agreed  that  colossal 
accumulations  do  no  man  any  good,  and  that  in  the  in- 
terest of  the  popular  weal  great  properties  should  be  as 
popularly  owned  as  possible  consistent  with  a  due  re- 
gard for  prudential  considerations  and  efficient  opera- 
tion, just  as  it  is  thought  well  in  the  legislative  assemblages 
of  the  world  to  get  at  popular  representation  as  nearly  as 


92 


POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 


possible  consistent  with  the  stability  in  government.  As 
it  is  discovered  that  each  $r,ooo  of  wealth  in  America 
will  earn  about  as  much  as  one  stout,  healthy,  and  even 
frugal  laboring  man  can  possibly  save,  it  follows  that,  in 
effect,  for  every  $i,ooo  a  man  possesses,  he  owns  one 
man.  It  is  evident  that  no  man's  wants  can  possibly  be 
more  than  one  thousand  times  as  great  as  those  of  the  av- 
erage man,  and  that  if  by  reason  of  his  self-importance 
he  should  perchance  conceive  them  so,  the  community 
should  think  it  but  a  wholesome  reprimand  to  remind  him 
of  his  mistake.  He  cannot  with  one  wife  well  sire  more 
than  one  and  twenty  children,  and  in  practice  scarcely 
equal  ten  ;  he  cannot  eat  much  more  nor  drink  much 
more,  nor  possibly  live  in  a  style  or  condition  more  than 
a  thousand  times  as  comfortable  or  elegant  as  the  aver- 
age, because  human  ingenuity  cannot  contrive  it  ;  he 
cannot  in  fact  properly  use  for  either  his  wants,  his  pleas- 
ures, or  his  luxury  a  thousand  times  as  much  of  anything 
as  the  average  of  his  fellows  ;  why,  therefore,  should  any 
individual  possess  more  wealth  than  a  thousand  times  as 
much  as  the  average  of  his  fellows  ?  It  is  beyond  dis- 
pute that  this  maximum  will  provide  for  all  possible 
wants,  either  necessary  or  luxurious,  and  leave  in  the 
balance  a  good  compensation  for  greed  besides.  It  is 
therefore  proposed  that  in  proportion  as  a  man's  estate 
is  large,  so  in  a  like  proportion  should  his  tax  rate  be 
large.  It  is  assumed,  and  very  justly,  that  all  estates 
will  produce  a  revenue,  and  statistics  and  experience 
make  clear  the  fact  that  about  5  per  cent,  income  main- 
tains property  at  par  in  stable  communities  on  the  basis 
of  one  hundred,  and  that  such  as  comes  under  this  is,  in 
the  natural  course  of  things,  considered  and  counted  less 
valuable,  and  on  this  safe  and  reasonable  assumption  all 
dealings  with  incomes  ran  be  abandoned,  and,  from  mo- 


PHRONOCRACY  93 

tives  of  justice,  simplicity,  and  accuracy,  the  rate  can  be 
imposed  on  the  property  direct.  It  the  owner  fails  to 
collect  his  income  it  is  no  fault  of  the  state,  and  the  gen- 
eral average  of  assessments  arrived  at  from  current  evi- 
dence of  values  will  work  no  great  injury.  Then,  as 
this  rate  is  to  be  made  cumulative  in  the  ratio  that  the 
property  is  cumulative,  it  should  so  advance  as  that  when 
a  reasonable  maximum  has  been  acquired  the  rate  will 
equal  the  current  revenue,  beyond  which  amount  it  can 
never  go  ;  that  is,  beyond  the  amount  on  which  out- 
go for  government  will  equal  the  income  from  revenue, 
the  estate  cannot  increase.  Since  it  is  thought  fair  and 
right  and  just  that  when  any  man  owns  one  thousand 
times  as  much  as  the  average  man  he  should  own  no  more 
(for  more  would  be  of  no  value),  that  amount  was  at  first 
to  be  recommended  as  a  maximum.  Since  the  average 
wealth  in  America  is  about  $1,000  per  capita,  that  allot- 
ment would  be  1,000,000.  The  rate,  therefore,  is  to  be 
made  cumulative,  so  that  when  a  1,000,000  assessment  to 
any  individual  is  made,  it  would  equal  5  per  cent, 
interest,  which  rate  would  be  five  cents  on  every  $r,ooo 
cumulative. 

The  system  is  proposed  to  be  applied  by  the  gene?'al 
govcrntnent  only,  as  a  means  of  deriving  its  own  income, 
and  to  the  extent  that  it  is  adequate,  the  only  means  the 
general  government  shall  apply,  leaving  to  the  States 
and  the  cities  their  unquestioned  rights  to  adopt  their 
own  means  and  methods  for  raising  local  revenue. 

Since  local  excises  in  many  places  ag-gregate  2  per 
cent.,  and  on  the  average  is  little  less,  it  is  found  that 
when  the  government's  cumulative  rate  would  be  ap- 
plied, outgo  would  equal  income  on  a  basis  of  5  per 
cent,  before  the  estate  reached  an  aggregate  much  ex- 
ceeding half  a  million  dollars.     To  provide,  therefore, 


94  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

for  extravagance  and  local  excises,  and  in  a  spirit  of 
utmost  liberality,  it  is  finally  proposed  that  the  annual 
rate  on  every  individual  estate  shall  be  equal  to  the 
cumulative  amount  of  i  cent  instead  of  5  cents  for 
every  $1,000  in  that  estate  ;  or  in  other  words,  that 
every  man's  rate  per  thousand  shall,  for  the  purpose  of 
the  support  of  the  general  government,  be  one  hundred- 
thousandth  part  of  his  estate,  which  would  make  outgo 
equal  to  income  on  a  basis  of  5  per  cent,  interest  when 
the  estate  reached  ^5,000,000  instead  of  $1,000,000,  or 
the  labor  of  5,000  men  instead  of  1,000  men,  or  to  the 
richest  5,000  times  the  property  of  the  average  instead 
of  1,000  times,  as  had  originally  been  thought  proper. 
However,  since  for  local  purpose  a  rate  equal  to  about 
2  per  cent,  will  have  to  be  provided,  in  effect  outgo 
would  equal  income  on  a  basis  of  i  cent  for  each  $1,000 
cumulative,  and  5  per  cent,  interest  when  the  estate 
aggregated  about  $2,500,000,  which  would  be  equivalent 
to  the  labor  of  2,500  men,  or  to  the  highest  above  the 
average  an  estate  2,500  times  as  great  instead  of  1,000 
times  as  great,  as  was  at  first  proposed.  This,  in  the 
estimation  of  any  reasonable  person,  is  more  than  is 
required  for  any  man's  comfort,  or  for  his  luxury. 
Furthermore,  owing  to  the  perfection  of  the  system  of 
assessment  and  the  better  administration  of  public 
affairs,  as  will  hereafter  be  explained,  all  or  nearly  all 
secreted  property  can  be  discovered,  so  that  the  local 
rate  can  be  materially  reduced,  averaging  instead  of  2 
only  about  i  per  cent.,  which,  on  the  basis  of  i  cent  for 
each  $1,000  cumulative  and  5  per  cent,  interest,  the 
estate  may  reach  about  $4,000,000  before  outgo  would 
equal  income,  which  gives  to  the  favored  individual  the 
labor  of  4,000  men  and  an  estate  4,000  times  as  great  as 
the  average  before  he  shall  be  called  upon  to  halt.    This 


PHRONOCRACY  95 

by  many  is  regarded  as  excessive,  and  an  effort  may  be 
made  to  place  the  cumulative  rate  at  2  cents  for  every 
$1,000,  or  one  fifty-thousandth  part  of  the  value  of  the 
estate  ;  in  fact,  widespread  and  forcible  might  be  the 
public  opinion  in  favor  of  the  million-dollar  limit,  not- 
withstanding local  assessment,  which,  reduced  as  it 
would  be  by  good  government  and  proper  assessments 
to  I  per  cent.,  would  leave,  notwithstanding  the  cumula- 
tive rate,  a  fortune  to  the  favored  individual  of  about 
$800,000 — an  amount  by  many  deemed  amply  sufficient, 
representing  as  it  would  the  labor  of  Soo  men,  or  an 
amount  800  times  as  large  as  the  average  wealth  per 
capita,  and  equal  to  the  largest  estate  in  America  a  hun- 
dred years  ago.  If  from  less  than  $1,000,000  to  over 
$200,000,000  in  one  hundred  years,  what  may  it  be  in  the 
next  hundred  years  ?  It  is  discovered,  in  figuring  up  the 
value  of  individual  estates,  that  myriads  are  small  and 
but  few  are  large,  hence  the  cumulative  rate  would  aver- 
age but  little  and  would  scarcely  yield  enough  to  produce 
the  revenue  required  by  the  general  government,  which, 
properly  administered,  should  be  between  $250,000,000 
and  $300,000,000  per  annum,  so  that  in  addition  to  the 
cumulative  or  graduated  tax  a  percentage  of  increase 
would  doubtless  be  required  to  meet  the  requirements 
of  the  government,  and  a  corresponding  percentage  of 
decrease  could  be  made  in  case  the  revenue  should 
become  too  great ;  but  in  any  event  and  under  all  con- 
ditions, the  cumulative  rate  would  be  first  applied  and 
then  either  added  to  or  taken  from  by  percentages  of 
horizontal  increase  or  reduction  as  the  case  may  be. 
The  rate  per  thousand  being  just  one  hundred-thou- 
sandth part  of  the  aggregate  of  the  estate  makes  it  very 
easy  of  calculation,  and  whilst  it  v/ill  be  opposed  by  the 
rich  as  socialistic  and  unjust,  it  should  be  supported  by 


96  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

the  middle  classes  on  the  ground  of  absolute  justice. 
One  man  can  afford  to  pay  a  rate  per  thousand  equal  to 
the  one  hundred-thousandth  part  of  his  estate  just  as 
well  as  another  man  can  ;  in  fact,  the  rich  can  better 
afford  it  than  the  poor,  and  it  is,  in  truth,  no  discrimina- 
tion, and  really  not  unjustly  socialistic  at  all.  The  one 
hundred-thousandth  part  of  a  big  estate  is  of  course 
greater  than  the  same  part  of  a  small  estate,  but  the 
large  estate  can  better  afford  it,  and  hence  conditions 
are  simply  just  and  equitable.  After  much  discussion 
and  endless  research  into  details  and  statistics  for  infor- 
mation relative  to  the  magnitude  of  individual  estates 
from  which  to  ascertain  the  average,  so  as  to  form  a 
definite  idea  what  the  cumulative  rate  would  be,  it  is 
determined  to  recommend  the  one-cent-per-thousand 
basis,  and  to  empower  the  government  to  increase  or 
diminish  by  horizontal  percentages  as  demand  might 
require,  which  will  answer  all  purposes,  especially  in 
view  of  the  fact  that,  owing  to  the  crude  and  incomplete 
system  of  assessment  and  the  opportunity  under  it  for 
large  secretiveness  of  wealth  (which  can  be  almost  en- 
tirely remedied,  as  will  be  explained  later  on),  no  definite 
information  can  be  obtained,  and  what  is  secured  leads 
to  the  belief  that  under  a  proper  system  it  would  be  so 
much  changed  as  to  afford  no  reliable  basis  of  calcula- 
tion. The  advocates  of  all  other  systems  of  social 
reform,  such  as  the  out-and-out  agrarians,  the  govern- 
ment absorptionists,  the  land  confiscators,  and  so  forth, 
have  simjily  paraded  their  views  before  the  public  from 
the  hustings,  through  the  prints,  and  by  divers  means 
and  methods,  and  have  incited  the  people  to  anger 
and  rage  by  playing  upon  their  prejudices  and  their 
passions,  but  have  dealt  only  in  generalizations.  In 
other  words,  they  say  that  the  M'hole  thing  as  it  is  is 


PHRONOCRACY  97 

radically  wrong,  and  that  their  particular  scheme  would 
right  it,  and  thus  generalize  and  elocutionize  and  phi- 
losophize, but  fail  to  specialize — fail  to  say  just  how  the 
thing  could  be  accomplished  ;  in  fact,  this  they  cannot 
say,  because  their  propositions  are  impracticable  and 
consequently  cannot  be  put  into  feasible  and  succinct 
shape.  To  put  an  impracticable  thing  into  practical 
working  shape  is  impossible — for  example,  it  was  asked 
of  the  socialists,  shall  we  introduce  a  measure  into  the 
Federal  Congress  declaring  that  all  property  shall  be 
confiscated  and  held  in  community  ;  shall  we  elect  con- 
gressmen, senators,  and  State  legislators,  favorable  to 
this  policy,  and  if  we  succeed  in  so  doing  can  we  even 
then  enforce  our  decrees  and  our  mandates  ? 

Will  present  holders  of  property  not  use  forcible  meas- 
ures to  prevent,  and  combine  for  their  own  protection  to 
preserve  their  rightful  possessions,  the  homes  of  their 
wives  and  their  children,  the  property  for  which  they  have 
expended  their  toil  and  their  labor  ?  In  a  word,  is  it  at 
all  reasonable  to  conclude  that  the  present  holders  of 
estates  will  all  disgorge  voluntarily  that  which  for  genera- 
tions has  been  owned,  loved,  and  enjoyed  ?  Rather  is  it 
not  more  reasonable  to  expect  that  force  would  be 
resorted  to  to  prevent,  and  that  force  would  have  to  be 
resorted  to  to  carry  out  any  such  violent  and  unjust 
decree  ?  In  consequence  of  which  facts,  why  tamper  with 
legislation  at  all,  but  by  one  organized  effort,  as  the 
anarchists  would  recommend, — and  which  in  fact  would 
in  practice  be  necessary  even  though  intermediary  legis- 
lation was  passed, — strike  amid  the  thunder  of  a  million 
guns,  and  with  glistening  bayonets  and  swords,  together 
with  a  brand  of  fire,  a  rod  and  axe  make  wild  sport  of 
blazing  homes,  and  in  the  wake  of  ghastly  carnage  and 
of  blood  cause  massacre  to  seal  right's  eternal  grave, 
7 


98  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

and  "  thick  night  to  pall  us  in  the  dunnest  smoke  of 
Hell  ?  " 

In  fact,  there  is  nothing  more  feasible  than  reasonable 
connected  with  the  whole  proposition.  All  property  in 
community  practically  means  anarchy  in  its  operating 
effects,  whilst  milder  to  the  ear  and  softer  to  the  tongue, 
yet  they  are  twin  demons  littered  the  saijie  night — an- 
archy the  elder  but  not  more  powerful. 

There  appears  to  be  no  feasible  plan  of  getting  at 
the  thing  anyway,  probably  because  all  minds  able  to 
plan  and  devise  are  opposed  to  any  such  nonsense.  It 
takes  brains  to  plan  out  anything,  and  in  such  assem- 
blages brains  will  never  commingle.  It  is  clear  that  to 
carry  any  such  propositions  force,  and  force  alone,  would 
avail,  and  it  would  have  to  be  most  powerful  and  con- 
tinuous ever  to  prevail.  To  talk  about  accomplishing 
a  thing  of  this  nature  by  enactments  of  law  seems  ridi- 
culous, and  just  what  enactments  would  be  proper  to 
meet  the  situation  no  advocate  can  say,  so  that  there 
is  always  a  chaos  of  complaints,  at  times  wild  and 
incendiary  utterances  from  the  stump,  but  no  tangible 
plan  proposed.  The  people  have  been  made  to  be- 
lieve that  monopolies  are  absorbing  the  earth  and  its 
belongings  unlawfully  ;  that  large  estates  are  the  result 
of  the  grossest  subversion  of  existing  law,  the  effect 
of  purchase  and  sale  of  judges  on  the  bench,  of 
combinations  and  intrigue  against  the  popular 
weal,  and  all  such  platitudinous  badinage  and  bom- 
bast. 

The  facts  arc  that  there  doubtless  exists,  not  one  dol- 
lar of  property  in  the  hands  of  any  of  the  several 
one-hundred  millionaires  that  is  not  held  within  the 
recognized  pale  of  the  law,  otherwise  ten  thousand  sharks 
and  legal  vampires  would  be  ready  to  pounce  upon  the 
victim  as  a  hungry  wolf  upon  its  inoffensive  prey  ;  in 


PHRONOCRACV  99 

fact,  all  kinds  of  imaginary  claims  are  trumped  up 
against  the  rich  for  purposes  simply  of  blackmail  and 
slander  in  the  hope  of  propifiation  for  suppression, 
which  in  many  cases  has  been  obtained. 

All  claims  as  to  unlawful  possessions  are  either  the 
result  of  ignorance,  falsification,  or  of  a  diseased  imagi- 
nation. Anything  not  held  by  sanction  of  the  highest 
court  is  usually  brought  to  the  test  of  that  tribunal 
before  the  owner  can  secure  respite  from  ceaseless  exac- 
tion and  legal  annoyance. 

The  fault  is  not  in  the  courts  nor  in  the  administra- 
tion of  existing  law.  What  is  needed  is  new  law  to 
meet  the  case,  presented  and  passed  in  some  feasible 
shape.  Property,  or  the  results  of  the  people's  labor  on 
earth,  is  of  course  becoming  unreasonably  centralized, 
in  fact,  as  was  once  frankly  admitted  by  one  of  the  hun- 
dred millionaires,  entirely  uselessly  so.  This  gentleman 
possesses  brains  and  is  philosophical  in  his  reflections, 
his  penetration  is  deep,  his  ratiocination  able.  He 
admitted  that  one  million  dollars  was  enough  for  any 
■man  to  own  ;  that  his  accumulations  above  that  amount 
were  the  natural  and  unavoidable  results  of  the  equally 
unavoidable  developments  of  his  properties — develop- 
ments made  necessary  by  the  ever  and  rapid  increase  of 
the  population  of  the  locality  and  for  the  use  and  benefit 
of  the  people  of  the  country. 

He  had  by  the  exercise  of  wise  perspicacity  and  the 
dint  of  circumstance  and  opportunity  whilst  engaged  in 
the  strife  of  life  become  connected  with  railway  enter- 
prises (he  might,  had  circumstances  operated  differently, 
been  in  almost  anv  other  avocation),  and  had  become 
rich  by  development  and  good  management.  He  could 
not  force  the  public  to  sell  their  stock  cheap  or  to  buy 
his  stock  high.  All  profit  that  he  ever  made  in  this 
manner  was  the  result  of  a  square  bargain  and  sale  be- 


lOO  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

tween  men.  If  he  could  by  presenting  to  a  man  from 
whom  he  desired  to  buy,  a  certain  kind  of  argument 
in  consequence  of  which  the  latter  became  convinced 
and  concluded  to  sell,  he  had  not  wronged  that  man,  any 
more  than  the  grocer  who  sells  flour  or  the  tailor  who 
sells  cloth  had  wronged  the  man  with  whom  they  dealt : . 
he  could  force  none  to  sell,  he  could  force  none  to 
buy,  and  if  as  the  results  of  any  such  deal  he  profited, 
was  he  not  entitled  to  the  profit  ? 

Once  possessed  of  railway  property,  the  development 
of  the  country  made  necessary  great  extensions,  increas- 
ing demand  caused  increased  earnings,  and  hence,  as  an 
incident  to  this  development,  which  he  did  not  and 
could  not  create,  or  in  any  sense  alter  or  control,  he  be- 
came very  rich.  Had  the  country  retrogressed  instead 
of  progressed,  had  population  diminished  instead  of  in- 
creased, for  which  condition  he  would  have  been  as  little 
responsible  and  as  powerless  to  change  as  he  was  the 
former  condition,  he  would  not  have  become  so  rich — 
possibly  have  died  poor.  To  the  extent  that  favorable 
conditions  made  him,  so  might  the  opposite  have  ruined 
him.  It  is  found  that  great  fortunes  are  accumulated 
in  those  pursuits  or  enterprises  that  are,  by  reason  of 
favorable  location  or  conditions,  or  in  consequence  of 
the  force  of  human  preference  and  desire,  in  and  of 
themselves  prosperous.  For  example,  America  being  a 
large  country,  the  whole  land  for  three  thousand  miles 
abounding  in  profusion  with  the  means  of  subsistence 
and  the  necessaries  of  life,  the  government  throwing 
aside  all  embargoes  to  traffic  between  the  States,  the 
people  being  enterprising  and  the  land  being  rich, 
drained  by  vast  rivers  and  favored  with  genial  climes, 
the  inevitable  consequence  is  that  not  only  the  native 
population  but  millions   from   abroad  seek    those    rich 


I'llRUNOCRACV  lOI 

fields  and  pastures  green,  and  from  ocean  to  ocean,  with 
no  State  restrictions,  there  is  a  natural  desire  and  demand 
for  communication  and  transportation.  Hence  railway 
property  has  increased  beyond  all  conception,  until  even 
in  1890  America,  scarce  aged  beyond  infancy  in  the 
world's  family  of  nations,  contained  more  miles  of  rail- 
way than  all  the  world  combined,  and  why — simply  and 
solely  because  natural  conditions  have  favored — in  fact, 
demanded  it.  The  shipping  interests  in  England  have 
become  greater  than  those  of  all  the  world  combined,  be- 
cause her  colonies  are  vast  and  separated  by  countless 
miles  of  trackless  sea  ;  trade  and  communication  are  not 
only  desired  but  demanded,  and  as  ships  alone  can  sup- 
ply the  condition,  ships  are  constructed,  and  that,  too, 
by  the  very  nation  that  requires  them  most,  as  railways 
are  constructed  by  the  very  people  that  require  them 
most.  So  that  with  America  excelling  all  the  world  with 
rail,  and  Great  Britain  the  proud  mistress  of  the  deep 
and  dark-blue  sea,  the  two  nations,  akin  by  blood  and 
similar  in  intuitions  and  desires,  speaking  the  same 
tongue,  having  the  same  aspirations,  characteristics, 
hopes,  and  aims,  practically  control  the  business — in  a 
word,  the  property — of  the  world,  each  developing  in  the 
identical  line  best  suited  to  its  natural  conditions  ;  and, 
as  in  America  from  the  rail,  so  in  the  British  Empire 
from  the  sail,  are  the  greatest  fortunes  accumulated. 
Those  interests  therefore  have  been  the  developing  ones, 
by  reason  of  the  natural  order  of  things,  in  these  coun- 
tries, and  the  individuals  who  have  prosecuted  this  busi- 
ness have  participated  in  and  received  the  benefits  of  the 
development — in  other  words,  have  become  rich,  not  en- 
tirely by  reason  of  their  own  superior  energy  or  sagacity, 
which  if  displayed  in  other  avocations  void  of  such 
opportunity  might    have    achieved   no   marked   success. 


I02  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

but  by  reason  of  tlie  enterprise  they  have  followed 
essentially  and  the  general  progress  which  by  reason  of 
natural  courses  has  attended  them. 

It  may  be  asked  why  all  men,  therefore,  have  not  en- 
gaged in  these  favored  industries  ;  to  which  it  may  be 
answered,  why  do  not  all  men  become  members  of  Par- 
liament or  of  Congress  ?  There  is  much  in  circumstance, 
in  opportunity,  in  the  unseen,  unknown,  and  unknowable 
influences  and  energies  of  the  Great  Whole.  It  is  un- 
doubtedly true  that  natural  conditions  and  circumstances 
do,  in  a  large  degree,  control  and  determine  the  progress 
of  the  world's  affairs,  and  regulate  the  status  of  men  in 
the  world. 

Human  preferences,  likes,  dislikes,  and  other  motives 
and  agencies,  work  no  inconsiderable  part,  but  it  is 
equally  certain  that  if  a  man's  energies,  it  matters  not 
how  powerfully  exerted,  are  expended  in  the  prosecution 
of  an  enterprise  that  is  not  blessed  with  the  prompting 
impetus  of  favorable  conditions  and  of  human  prefer- 
ence, they  will  be  abortive  and  unprofitable.  This  has 
been  forcibly  illustrated  in  the  case  of  steamboat  naviga- 
tion on  the  great  rivers  of  America,  which,  though 
admirably  adapted  to  transportation,  have  succumbed  to 
the  m.ore  suitable  method — rail  ;  and  the  men  who  were 
most  persistent  and  most  energetic  in  these  river  enter- 
prises are  the  ones  who  have  fared  worst,  because  they 
have  declined  just  as  the  rail  has  advanced,  and  both 
have  been  wholly  beyond  the  control  of  their  votaries, 
who,  as  individuals,  are  no  more  responsible  for  the  ruin 
of  the  boats  than  for  the  success  of  the  rails,  but  simply 
followed  along  with  each  like  puppy-dogs'  tails.  Thus, 
as  the  philosophical  hundred-million-dollar  magnate 
admitted,  his  fortune  is  largely — almost  entirely — the 
result    of   the    necessary    development    of  his  property, 


PHROXOCRACV  103 

consequent,  not  wholly  upon  his  energy  or  sagacity,  but 
upon  the  people's  wants  and  accidental  circumstances. 

It  was  said  to  this  magnate  that  if  his  property  beyond 
a  million  was  burthensome,  he  might  possibly  find  people 
willing  to  relieve  him  of  the  excess.  "  Well,"  said  he, 
"if  conditions  had  been  such  that  I  never  could  have 
amassed  the  excess  I  would  doubtless  have  been  just  as 
comfortable,  just  as  well  contented,  and  no  doubt  much 
happier  and  freer  from  annoyance  and  care,  especially  if 
I  had  been  provided  with  increased  security  in  its  reten- 
tion and  control  ;  but  since  conditions  are  such  that 
John  Smith  and  Joe  Jones  can  and  have  also  become 
hundred-millionaires,  I  prefer  to  stand  as  high  up  on  the 
ladder  as  they,  in  fact  this  is  about  the  only  satisfaction  I 
can  obtain,  other  than  what  a  few  million  would  insure." 

As  with  the  socialists,  so  with  the  "  government  ab- 
sorptionists  "  (about  the  same  thing  in  a  different  garb), 
there  has  been  no  tangible  plan  or  method  proposed  by 
which  their  ends  could  be  attained,  other  than  by  the  un- 
timely and  unjustifiable  intervention  of  the  vis  major,  an 
expedient  alike  hostile  to  both  humanity  and  progress. 

What,  it  was  asked  of  the  votaries  of  this  faith,  is  the 
first  step  you  propose  to  take  and  what  the  intermediary 
agencies  incident  to  the  accomplishment  of  your  ultimate 
end  ?  Do  you  propose  that  all  enterprises  and  industries 
now  owned  by  private  individuals  shall  be  turned  over 
to  the  government  and  an  adequate  recompense  given 
therefor?  If  so  what  is  the  individual  going  to  do  with 
the  value  received  in  exchange  ?  Shall  he  bury  it  and 
start  anew  on  a  common  level  with  all  and  devote  his 
time  and  thought  to  the  government  shop,  receiving 
therefor  such  articles  of  human  production  as  he  can 
eat  and  wear,  and  be  allotted  a  house  such  as  is  sufficient 
alone  to  protect  him  from  the  cold,  or  shall  he  be  forced 


I04  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

to  yield  all  his  treasure  to  the  coffers  of  the  state, — his 
lots,  his  land,  his  houses,  or  his  mines, — receiving  no 
compensation  for  the  previous  efforts  of  his  industry  and 
toil,  and  be  obliged  to  labor  in  the  common  throng  on  a 
level  with  and  in  pursuits  as  arduous  as  he  who  yields 
nothing  to  the  state  and  whose  past  efforts  have  been  un- 
availing to  himself  and  of  no  good  to  society  ;  and  if 
either  of  these,  what  shall  be  tlie  first  step  taken  to  start 
the  ball  in  motion  ? 

Echo  answers  :  We  will  "  introduce  a  bill " — a  thing 
easy  of  accomplishment  when  nothing  else  can  be  done. 
We  will  set  forth  in  that  bill  the  pronunciamento  that 
all  must  deliver  up  their  property  to  the  state  and 
receive  therefor  no  compensation  whatever  ;  on  the  pro- 
mulgation of  which  proclamation  we  expect  to  receive 
the  plaudits  of  the  world,  sounded  with  such  multi- 
tudinous vociferations  that  the  reverberating  echoes 
resounding  from  hilltop  to  hilltop  will  go  thundering 
down  the  peaceful  stream  of  time,  to  be  reflected  back 
with  accelerated  force  and  power,  weighted  with  com- 
mingling sounds  of  universal  praise  and  timely  tenders  of 
worldly  wealth,  until  the  only  possible  manner  of  avoid- 
ing the  terrible  catastrophe  incident  to  a  mad  and  fren- 
zied rush  will  be  to  convince  the  masses  that  it  is  useless 
for  all  to  come  at  once,  or  in  fact  for  any  to  come  at  all 
until  the  bill  becomes  a  law,  which  it  is  sure  to  do  prior 
to  the  time  of  the  practical  inauguration  of  the  metemp- 
sychosis. 

Well,  what  is  to  be  the  wording  of  the  bill,  what  its 
provisions  in  fact ;  is  it  to  begin  with  a  "  whereas  "  and 
end  with  a  "  what  is  it,"  and  what  is  to  be  its  middle  ?  Is 
it  to  be  rushed  right  through,  or  debated  in  "  Committee 
of  the  whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union,"  or  what  is  to  be 
done  with  it  ?     Is  it  to  contain  the  pronunciamento  that 


PIIRONOCRACV  105 

all  men  are  born  free,  equal,  and  possessed  of  certain 
inalienable  rights  ?  Is  it  to  conflict  with  the  existing 
judicial  opinion  as  to  the  federal  constitution  and  render 
necessary  the  packing  of  the  supreme  bench  ?  Thus  to 
the  end  is  nothing  tangible  proposed  because  there  is 
nothing  tangible  to  propose — nothing  regarding  which 
any  document  can  be  drafted.  The  only  hope  for  the 
introduction  into  society  of  any  such  system  is  the  arbi- 
trament of  force,  the  right  of  might,  and  this  held  to- 
gether and  controlled  by  a  military  despot  in  whom  all 
power  must  be  centred  and  who  could  carry  out  any 
decree  it  matters  not  how  violent  ;  the  thing  itself  being 
in  direct  conflict  with  the  end  to  be  sought  and  desirable 
only  on  the  theory  that  good  could  result  from  evil,  that 
order  could  best  be  promoted  by  confusion,  system  by 
chaos — in  a  word,  life  from  death,  for  any  such  condition 
would  be  social  death  and  confusion  worse  confounded, 
sans  top,  sans  bottom,  sans  everything  save  the  rankest 
and  most  useless  form  of  heterogeneity  and  confusion. 

It  is  seen  that  any  effort  to  alter  social  conditions  must 
proceed  regularly  and  be  bottomed  on  reason,  aided  by 
feasibility,  supported  by  men  of  force,  method,  and  char- 
acter ;  hence  its  progress  must  necessarily  be  slow  and 
tedious.  As  a  glacier  will  move  quite  a  distance  in  a  cen- 
tury, so  will  the  conditions  of  society  gradually  become 
affected  by  moderate  innovations.  The  system  of  the 
United  States  government  was  for  a  century  considered 
experimental,  and  may  in  fact  yet  prove  to  be  such,  un- 
less by  the  curtailment  of  the  ballot  better  conditions 
are  adopted.  Men  of  no  education  and  no  property 
elect  to  ofifice  representatives  of  the  same  calibre,  and 
hence  public  business  becomes  seriously  affected  by 
actual  incompetency.  As  it  requires  some  brains  and 
education   to  write    a   resolution,    so    it    requires   some 


I06  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

capacity  to  understand  one  when  written,  and  as  it 
requires  prudence  and  sagacity  to  wield  the  affairs  of 
state  and  men  of  property  and  credit  to  give  it  prestige 
and  responsibility,  so  it  must  soon  be  necessary  to  pre- 
vent the  alarming  degeneracy  that  is  admitted  to  be 
rapidly  pervading  the  personnel  of  public  assemblages  ; 
and  one  of  the  greatest  possible  arguments  for  the  cur- 
tailment of  the  ballot  is  the  actual  incompetency  of  many 
of  the  inmates  of  legislative  assemblages  because  of  the 
increasing  prominence  of  the  irresponsible  and  ignorant 
voter. 

Under  such  conditions  it  is  vain  to  expect  any  conces- 
sion from  the  better  classes  to  any  modification  of  the 
social  state.  Millionaires  can  protect  their  property 
simply  by  the  inherent  force  of  the  property  itself,  by 
buying  favorable  and  thwarting  unfavorable  measures 
proposed  by  vicious  legislators  ;  and  so  when  the  "  con- 
servative compromise  "  is  brought  forth  money  may  seek 
its  downfall ;  but  such  is  the  irresistible  power  of  the  reli- 
able middle  classes  that  this  will  be  impossible,  and  as 
time  progresses,  and  as  they  gain  in  representation,  they 
may  become  sufficiently  the  master  of  the  situation  to 
control  the  destinies  of  the  future  state.  The  single-tax 
men  or  land  confiscationists  are  ahead  of  the  others 
both  in  intelligence  and  in  the  reasonableness  of  their 
propositions.  They  have  elected  no  representatives  to 
Congress  solely  in  the  interests  of  their  cause,  and  but 
few  to  any  legislative  assembly  who  had  not  other  aims 
and  affiliations,  neither  have  they  proposed  in  Congress 
any  definite  measure  for  which  they  asked  the  support  of 
their  associates. 

They  do  not  assert  their  faith  boldly  as  confiscators 
of  land,  as  the  Democrats  will  not  boldly  assert  their 
free-trade   predilections   and  preferences ;    the    former 


PHRONOCRACY  IO7 

carry  a  mask  called  "  single  tax,"  and  the  latter  "  tariff 
reform,"  both  misleading  and  disingenuous.  The  single- 
tax  men,  however,  are  in  a  position  to  draft  a  bill  or  to 
propose  legislation  containing  a  declaration  that  all 
existing  methods  of  taxation  should  be  abolished  and  a 
certain  levy  placed  in  lieu  of  all  on  land  values,  but 
what  is  the  rate  to  be  ?  Their  proposition  in  effect  is 
that  land  shall  be  taxed  practically  to  "  its  full  rental 
value,"  but  this  term  in  a  bill  drafted,  introduced,  and 
referred,  before  it  reached  the  voting  stages,  and  had 
been  the  victim  of  amendments,  would  look  rather  vague 
and  indefinite.  It  really  means  that  land  should  be  con- 
fiscated, but  the  tax  term  is  milder,  it  becomes  the  mouth 
better.  It  will  not  do  to  say  the  land  should  be  taxed 
five  per  cent.,  or  ten  per  cent.,  or  any  fixed  per  cent., 
because  all  land  does  not  possess  the  same  rental  value, 
and  whilst  any  certain  levy  would  confiscate  some,  it 
would  not  answer  the  purpose,  because  it  would  not  con- 
fiscate all.  To  have  passed  a  bill  containing  no  more 
definite  provision  than  "  to  full  rental  value,"  or  even  a 
percentage  of  rental  value,  would  have  been  the  instru- 
ment and  means  of  ceaseless  bickering  and  dispute 
between  assessor  and  occupant  as  to  what  was  rental 
value,  and  would  be  indeed  as  utterly  impracticable  as  is 
the  whole  scheme  irrational.  It  sounds  well  enough  to 
talk  about  man's  equal  right  to  natural  opportunity  and 
"  a'  that  '  and  "  a'  that  "  ;  that  the  earth  belongs  in 
usufruct  to  the  people,  and  "  a'  that "  ;  that  man  is  enti- 
tled to  what  he  produces — to  the  fruits  of  his  own  toil, 
and  "  a'  that  "  ;  that  labor  is  paid  out  of  its  own  product, 
and  "  a'  that  "  and  *'  a'  that,"  most  of  which  are  apho- 
risms as  old  as  the  adamantine  hills,  and,  with  slight 
modifications,  as  true  as  they  are  ancient  ;  but  how  are 
they  to  be  accomplished  by  land  confiscation  ?     That 


I08  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

labor  is  paid  out  of  its  own  products,  it  is  useless  to  deny. 
Every  one  will  admit — at  least  all  should  admit — that  in 
the  process  that  is  carried  out  in  the  conversion  of  a 
piece  of  crude  iron  ore,  worth  comparatively  nothing, 
through  its  many  stages,  till  it  assumes  the  form,  the 
polish,  and  elasticity  of  a  watch  spring,  in  which  state 
it  is  worth  more  than  its  weight  in  gold,  tbe  labor  ex- 
pended is  paid,  though  of  course  indirectly,  out  of  the 
thing  that  is  produced.  To  deny  this  would  be  to  argue 
as  irrationally  as  to  maintain  that  "  land  confiscation  " 
is  either  just,  reasonable,  practical,  or  efficacious  in 
accomplishing  any  good  to  the  world.  But  as  with  all 
other  propagandisms,  though  in  this  not  as  lamentably, 
even  the  advocates  themselves  fail  to  propose  any  defi- 
nite measure.  They  do  not  say  "  Be  it  enacted  thus  and 
so,"  so  that  the  people  can  get  at  just  the  thing  they 
seek.  Generalizations  could  have  been  prated  about  till 
the  crack  of  doom,  and  had  the  American  colonists  of 
King  George  III.  never  got  down  to  hard-pan  and 
issued  their  pronunciamento  in  certain  exact  words  and 
phrases  meaning  certain  things,  backed  with  an  inflexi- 
ble desire  and  an  indomitable  purpose  to  put  the  meaning 
of  that  thing  through  though  they  should  drink  their 
brother's  blood,  the  grand  confederacy  of  sovereign  stars, 
than  which  none  more  glorious  ever  shone  in  the  galaxy 
of  nations  that  now  stretch  from  ocean  to  ocean,  and 
ere  long  may  stretch  from  the  isthmus  to  the  pole,  com- 
prising the  natural  geographical  limits  of  the  greatest 
nation  on  earth,  might  never  have  been  independent  ; 
and  so  likewise  will  all  generalizations  which,  though 
pleasing  to  the  ear,  always  fail  of  any  practical  good. 
The  land  confiscationists,  however,  in  adopting  for 
their  shibboleth  "  single  tax,"  appeal  forcibly  to  those 
who  seek  simplicity  in  all  governmental  affairs,  which  is 


PHRONOCRACY  lOQ 

in  fact  the  tendency  of  all  thought  relative  to  govern- 
ment ;  yet  it  is  not  the  shadow  that  weighs,  it  is  the 
substance,  and  if  the  substance  is  too  transparent  to 
cast  a  shadow  it  amounts  to  nothing.  If  single  tax 
could  be  fully  applied,  and  result  only  in  simplicity,  the 
game  is  not  worth  the  candle,  for  greater  simplicity 
could  be  obtained  by  other  less  objectionable  methods. 
The  single-tax  men,  too,  hoot  at  the  idea  that  all  they 
claim  for  it  is  simplicity,  for  they  frankly  admit  that  in 
the  interest  of  simplicity  alone  it  would  be  useless  to  ad- 
vocate such  a  radical  upturning  of  the  world's  social 
affairs  ;  that  what  they  desire  is  something  to  benefit  the 
people  and  secure  a  more  equitable  distribution  of  the 
products  of  human  labor,  and  they  favor  that  thing 
which  will  accomplish  that  end,  and  it  matters  not  how 
complicated  (for  people  can  understand  anything  that 
people  can  propose),  and  that  they  oppose  anything  that 
fails  of  this  accomplishment,  it  matters  not  how  simple. 
It  takes  a  machine  somewhat  complicated  to  reap  wheat 
and  bind  it  into  sheaves  and  to  thresh  out  the  grain  after 
the  sheaves  are  bound,  but  a  machine  that  will  do  this 
work  effectively,  though  complicated,  is  not  to  be  com- 
pared with  one  that  will  not,  though  simple  ;  hence  it  is 
the  end,  not  the  means,  if  the  end  is  fair,  just,  and  hon- 
orable by  any  means  that  are  equally  so. 

Since  nothing  has  been  definitely  brought  forth  by  any 
of  the  reformers,  the  leaders  of  the  most  liberal  and 
conservative  of  each  should  conclude  to  concentrate  on 
the  regulation  of  the  extremes,  thus  letting  the  mean 
take  care  of  itself.  Mcti  ffiay  have  an  abundance,  but  not 
a  j-edimdance. 

Men  who  have  nothing  and  know  nothing  shall  have  no 
voice  in  the  affairs  of  government,  but  all  shall  have  an 
opportunity. 


no  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

They  should,  therefore,  propose  that  the  following 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
be  adopted  : 

"  Congress  shall  have  power  to  impose  a  rate  of  taxation 
on  every  one  thousand  dollars  of  iftdividual  property  equal 
to  the  one  hundred-thousandth  part  of  the  total  value  of  the 
property,  the  same  to  be  uniform  and  invariable  throughout 
the  United  States  j  and  to  prescribe  as  a  condition  for  suf- 
frage both  a?i  educational  and  a  property  qualification,  the 
former  to  be  the  ability  to  speak,  read,  and  write  the  English 
language,  and  the  latter  to  be  the  ownership  of  real  property 
or  government  bonds  to  an  amount  not  less  than  five  hundred 
dollars  j  afid  to  pass  such  laws  as  may  be  necessary  to  carry 
the  provisions  of  this  amendment  into  effect y 

This  is  the  key  to  the  whole  situation  and  the  founda- 
tion for  the  whole  structure  ;  it  is  the  beginning,  the 
middle,  and  the  ending. 

All  advocates  of  reform  have  but  to  vote  for,  and  sup- 
port for  the  Federal  Congress  and  for  State  Legislatures, 
men  pledged  to  the  support  of  this  amendment.  No 
other  officials  are  necessary.  The  amendment  could  be 
adopted  and  become  law  if  ratified  by  three  fourths  of 
the  State  Legislatures  and  by  two  thirds  of  their  delega- 
tions in  Congress — that  is,  in  the  way  the  Constitution 
itself  provides,  and  when  adopted  it  would  be  a  part  of 
the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  adopted  in  the  only  lawful 
way,  and  a  party  called  the  "  Phronocratic  or  Conserva- 
tive "  should  make  it  the  keystone  to  its  creed.  The 
recommendation  of  the  said  amendment  is  thought 
proper  in  view  of  the  fact  that  many  cherish  the  belief 
that  Congress  has  not  the  power,  without  an  amend- 
ment, to  impose  such  a  tax  or  to  pass  laws  in  pursuance 
thereof  ;  that  a  simple  act  of  Congress  passed  by  the 
usual  majority  might  be  unconstitutional  and  void,  but 


PHRONOCRACV  I  I  I 

that  by  an  amendment  the  right  would  become  funda- 
mental and  unquestioned,  and  that,  pending  its  consid- 
eration and  ratification  by  the  States,  its  provisions  could 
be  scrutinized  with  care  and  circumspection  and  subse- 
quent enactments  necessary  to  carry  its  provisions  into 
effect  could  be  calmly  considered  and  planned. 

It  is  in  no  case  to  be  applied  to  corporations,  but 
solely  to  the  individual  holdings  in  those  corporations, 
on  the  basis  of  the  value  of  the  stock  and  bonds  held  by 
individuals  therein.  The  reason  for  its  non-application 
to  corporations  is  obvious,  conclusive,  and  clear,  to  wit  : 
In  placing  a  check  on  the  concentration  of  wealth  it  is 
not  in  any  sense  in  keeping  with  the  progress  of  the 
times  nor  apace  with  the  advancing  tendencies  of  modern 
civilization  to  hamper  or  oppress  enterprise.  Great  un- 
dertakings are  not  only  desirable  but  necessary.  Long 
lines  of  railways  have  to  be  projected  and  built  ;  canal 
and  waterways,  bridges  and  highways,  tunnels  and  sub- 
ways all  have  to  be  constructed,  and  it  requires  wealth 
aggregating  countless  millions  to  accomplish  these  works. 
Many  individual  properties  cost  over  one  hundred  mil- 
lion dollars,  and  cannot  be  created  without  this  expen- 
diture, and  civilization  cannot  go  on  without  their 
creation  ;  the  wants  and  needs  of  the  people  demand 
them,  and  go  they  must,  and  will.  They  cannot  be 
divided  into  separate  properties  of  less  value  ;  hence 
means  must  be  at  hand  by  which  they  can  not  only  be 
constructed,  but  controlled  and  operated  as  an  entirety, 
as  a  whole  ;  and  this  means  is  the  corporation,  on  the 
multiplication  or  concentration  of  the  capital  in  which 
there  need  be  no  limit  whatsoever.  One  corporation 
might  own  the  railways  of  the  world,  the  magnitude  and 
extent  of  which  in  America  alone  in  1890  was  such  as  to 
maintain  a  bonded   indebtedness    of   about    five   billion 


112  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

dollars  and  a  share  capital  of  variable  valuation  of  about 
the  same  amount,  both  of  which  at  a  par  valuation  would 
amount  to  ten  billion  of  dollars,  or  in  1890  about  one 
sixth  of  the  entire  assessable  property  of  the  great  Repub- 
lic, representing  in  production  the  aggregated  labor  of 
ten  million  men.  As  strange  and  as  anomalous  as  at 
first  view  it  might  appear,  it  is  actually  thought  better 
and  more  desirable — more  in  keeping  with  popular  de- 
mand and  efficient  public  service — that  (under  the  pro- 
posed system  of  taxation)  all  this  property  should  be 
owned  by  a  single  rather  than  by  many  corporations  ;  but 
in  said  corporation  there  would  be  many  individual 
owners.  In  concentration  there  is  both  efficiency  and 
power,  and  the  baneful  effects  of  monopolistic  organiza- 
tion is  greatly  mitigated  and  assuaged  if  the  said  organi- 
zation must  of  necessity  be  owned  by  many  individuals 
rather  than  by  a  few  or  by  a  single  individual.  In  other 
words,  it  is  found  to  be  absolutely  necessary  to  the 
progress  of  society  that  organizations  of  a  monopolistic 
nature  must  exist,  otherwise  enterprises  of  "  great  pith  and 
moment  "  would,  in  truth  "  with  this  regard,  their  currents 
turn  away  and  lose  not  only  the  name  but  the  very  fact 
of  action."  It  is,  however,  recommended  that  these 
grand  enterprises  shall  to  the  greatest  extent  possible  be 
popiclarly  owned ;  that  they  must  be  owned  by  as  many 
individuals  as  is  consistent  with  proper  and  efficient 
direction,  management,  and  control,  and  not  by  as  few 
as  possible  to  the  utmost  limit  of  the  *'  freeze-out  process  " 
of  the  avaricious  managers. 

It  is  undoubted  that  a  board  of  directors  chosen  by  a 
hundred  shareholders  can  be  as  efficient  and  reliable  as 
those  chosen  by  a  single  holder  of  the  bare  majority,  and 
the  officers  and  agents  chosen  by  these  boards  would  be 
as  assiduously  devoted  to  the  interests  of  these  trusts  as 


PHRONOCRACY  II3 

those  elected  by  and  under  the  mandate  of  the  one-man 
power  ;  in  fact,  better  and  more  efficient  could  the  man- 
agement of  such   corporations  become  because   of  the 
fact  that  there  would  be  no  absolute  guaranty  of  perpet- 
ual succession,  such  as  under  individual  control  of  ma- 
jorities is  usually  assured  by  superserviceableness  and 
intrigue  against  the  interest  of  minorities.     It  has  been 
proposed  to  allow  to  no  stockholder  more  than  one  vote. 
This  would  tend  to  lessen  autocratic  control,  but  would 
in  no  way  reach  the  question  of  colossal  individual  ac- 
cumulations, nor  promote  the  principle  of  popular  own- 
ership, or  that  a  tax  rate  proportionate  to  property  is  the 
best  tax  rate  on  earth.     It  is  observed,  too,   that  small 
holders  of  corporate  interests  are  in  the  main  more  con- 
servative than  the  large  holders  ;  in  fact,  the  possession 
of  any  property  causes  prudential  care  and  conservative 
operation,   which    position   may  be   exclusively   demon- 
strated in  the  establishment  of  a  property  qualification, 
though  small,  for  the  exercise  of  suffrage.     The  very  fact 
of  owning  something  begets  a  disposition  to  protect  that 
something,  and  the  man  who  becomes  eligible  to  citizen- 
ship by  the  possession  of  five  hundred  dollars  will  be  as 
prudent   and    as    painstaking,  as    desirous    of    securing 
reliable  men  and  of  strengthening  the  public  faith,  as  is 
the  owner  of  his  miUions.     Where  the  treasure  is  there 
the  heart  is,  and    a  poor   man's    five    hundred  dollars 
representing,  as  it  in  most  cases  would,  a  greater  part  of 
his  worldly  goods  than  the  rich   man's  million  does  of 
his  worldly  goods,  the  former  would  be  on  the  average 
more  prudent  and  conservative  and  less  disposed  to  enter 
into  schemes  of  profligacy,  extravagance,  and  waste  than 
the  latter. 

There  is  a  vast  difference  between  him  who  possesses 

something,  and  hopes  to  retain  and  increase  it,  and  him 
8 


114  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

who  has  nothing,  and  has  no  hope  of  ever  gaining  any- 
thing. The  former  is  prudent  and  the  latter  reckless,  or 
the  one  fit  for  citizenship  and  the  other,  not.  As  in  the 
affairs  of  government,  so  in  those  of  the  great  corpora- 
tions. There  would  be  a  wholesome  check  placed  upon 
recklessness  and  extravagance,  the  vaulting  ambition 
would  less  often  overleap  itself,  earnings  would  be  more 
properly  applied  toward  the  payment  of  dividends  than 
to  extravagant  salaries  to  ornamental  presidents,  who  in 
most  cases  are  the  proteges  of  the  owners  of  the  bare 
majority  and  often  share  their  receipts  therewith. 
Neither  to  so  great  an  extent  could  needless  branches 
and  appendages  be  constructed  to  fatten  the  purse  of  the 
contractor,  who  is  often  a  partner  with  the  officers  in 
control.  Furthermore,  and  to  greater  advantage  still, 
popular  ownership  would  beget  popular  contentment 
and  insure  a  management  more  in  conformity  with  the 
popular  weal.  On  the  theory  that  it  is  more  in  the  in- 
terest of  localities  that  representatives  in  Congress 
should  be  chosen  from  among  their  own  people,  and 
in  numbers  representing  about  one  for  every  thirty  thou- 
sand votes,  rather  than  to  have  one  man  run  the  entire 
legislation  of  the  country,  so  likewise  would  it  be  found 
better  that  monopolistic  enterprises  should  be  more 
popularly  owned  and  governed  and  operated  by  offi- 
cials chosen  by  the  diversified  interests.  In  keeping 
with  this  very  principle  one  of  the  greatest  American 
magnates  once  sold  a  large  part  of  his  interest  in  one  of 
the  greatest  corporations,  believing,  yea,  knowing,  that  a 
more  popular  ownership  would  beget  popular  content- 
ment, and  popular  contentment  would  avoid  trouble 
resulting  from  blackmailing  legislation  and  other  schemes 
of  popular  revenge  ;  also  that  it  would  tend  to  increase 
popular  pat?ronage,   and  consequently  perhaps  increase 


PHRONOCRACV  I  I  5 

the  value  of  what  he  retained  more  than  the  sacrifices 
consequent  upon  disposition  and  sale  ;  and  thus,  in  fact, 
it  is  said  to  have  resulted. 

But  whether  or  not  it  be  to  the  interest  of  the  great 
monied  magnates  to  thus  placate  the  public,  is  not  the 
point  for  discussion,  but  whether  or  not  it  is  in  the  inter- 
est of  the  public  that  great  and  necessarily  monopolistic 
corporations  should  be  as  far  as  practicable  more  popu- 
larly owned,  is  the  question,  if  indeed  there  can  be  any 
question  about  a  matter  so  self-evident  and  reasonable. 
Most  of  the  riches  resulting  from  unearned  increment 
are  gained  in  enterprises  of  such  magnitude  as  to  be 
practically  exempt  from  competition  by  reason  of  inac- 
cessibility by  any  competitive  establishments,  and  if 
these  are  once  started,  and  bid  fair  to  continue,  such  is 
the  advantage  to  both  of  concentration  and  consolida- 
tion that  they  are  merged  into  one  ;  the  anaconda  swal- 
lows the  elephant,  and  then  lies  down  to  digest  its  meal, 
whilst  the  public  continue  of  necessity  to  patronize  the 
monster  because  they  can  do  nothing  else. 

It,  however,  being  evident  that  monopolistic  enter- 
prises are  necessary — in  fact,  almost  the  unavoidable 
outcome  of  the  world's  affairs, — and  that  from  enterprises 
of  this  character  large  unearned  increment  will  unavoida- 
bly be  acquired  in  any  prosperous  state  or  community  ; 
now,  therefore,  the  equally  unavoidable  conclusion, 
though  held  in  the  dark  for  thousands  of  years,  must 
be  reached,  viz.  :  we  will  distribute  that  increment  as 
widely  as  we  can,  or,  in  other  words,  we  will  cause  him 
who  has  most  of  it  to  contribute  to  the  State  that  sup- 
ports it  and  guarantees  his  interest,  to  an  extent  pro- 
portionate to  his  ability  ;  the  necessary  result  of  which 
will  be  that  when  he  acquires  a  certain  limit,  outgo 
will  equal  income,  and  he  can  acquire   no  more,  giving 


Il6  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

increased   opportunity   to   his   friends  just   behind   and 
their  friends  and  their  friends. 

''''Extremes  beget  limitations,''  hence  the  force  of  the 
expression  : 

"  That  I  am  wretched, 
Makes  thee  the  happier  : — Heavens  deal  so  still  ! 
Let  the  superfluous,  and  lust-dieted  man, 
That  slaves  your  ordinance,  that  will  not  see 
Because  he  doth  not  feel,  feel  your  power  quickly  ; 
So  distribution  shoiild  undo  excess, 
A7id  each  man  have  enough" 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Practical  application  of  the  cumulative  tax — Support  government  in 
proportion  to  man's  ability — And  no  property  or  no  knowledge, 
no  vote — Takes  burden  off  of  the  weak  and  puts  it  on  the  strong — 
Equity  and  efficiency  of  assessment — Limits  all  individual  estates 
to  about  four  million — Tax  collectors  in  congressional  districts  : 
their  method  of  assessment — Necessity  of  not  limiting  corpora- 
tions— "Watering"  stock  not  specially  objectionable,  but  divi- 
sion of  ownership  vital. 

"  Life  is  but  a  narrow  veil  between  the  cold  and  bar- 
ren peaks  of  two  eternities." 

Why,  therefore,  should  any  man  desire  to  own  the 
earth  ?  If  he  had  it  all  he  would  yet  be  poor.  Why 
should  he  desire  more  than  will  insure  comfort,  luxury, 
and  even  a  fair  compensation  for  cupidity  and  greed  be- 
sides, for  more  than  that  but  burthens  him  ? 

Why  should  not  the  brain  that  is  capable  of  wresting 
from  the  world  so  much  of  its  treasure,  when  a  suffi- 
ciency has  been  obtained,  be  willing  to  devote  its  opera- 
tions to  research  into  the  fathomless  abyss  of  the  great 
unknown  and  as  yet  unknowable  ? 

Who  knows  or  can  demonstrate  to  the  contrary 
that,  "  As  the  cloud  is  consumed  and  vanisheth  away, 
so  he  that  goeth  down  to  the  grave  shall  come  up  no 
more." 

Why,  therefore,  should  there  not  exist  less  unremitting 
strife  and  more  humanity  in  the  world  ?  In  brief  and 
in  fact,  since  an  abundance  is  enough,  why  want  more  ? 

117 


Il8  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

To  finite  minds  the  end  is  but  to  die,  yes, 

"  But  to  die,  and  go  we  know  not  where, 
To  lie  in  cold  obstruction  and  to  rot  : 
This  sensible  warm  motion  to  become 
A  kneaded  clod  ;  and  the  delighted  spirit 
To  bathe  in  fiery  floods,  or  to  reside 
In  thrilling  regions  of  thick-ribbed  ice; 
To  be  imprison'd  in  the  viewless  winds. 
And  blown  with  restless  violence  about 
The  pendent  world." 

O  thou  impenetrable  and  unknown  ;  thou  inscrutable 
mystery  that  art  veiled  in  night  ;  be  thy  ultimate  the 
earth,  or  heaven,  or  hell— 't  is  all  beyond  our  ken  ! 
"  Come,  come,  you  spirits  that  tend  on  mortal  thoughts," 
open  this  blinded  eye,  make  keen  and  capable  this  nar- 
row faculty  of  hurnan  comprehension,  and  proclaim  what 
was,  what  is,  and  what  is  yet  to  be  ;  make  intelligible  and 
clear  the  object,  the  purpose,  and  the  end  of  life,  the 
omniscient  motive  and  intent  of  this  and  that  and  these 
— of  the  Universe,  the  earth,  the  air,  and  the  wild 
tempestuous  seas  !     But  to  the  issue. 

The  very  fact  that  individuals  were  required  to  con- 
tribute to  government  in  proportion  to  their  ability,  and 
that  those  who  contributed  nothing  could  have  no  voice, 
would  be  of  itself  not  only  one  of  the  greatest  possible 
bulwarks  to  the  continued  ascendancy  of  republican  in- 
stitutions in  America,  but  the  monarchies  of  the  world 
would  stand  aghast  and  trembling,  so  that,  as  soon  as  it 
was  fully  realized  that  thereby  security  could  exist  with- 
out a  king,  instead  of  saying  "  The  king  is  dead,  long 
live  the  king,"  it  would  be  thought  quite  as  safe  to  say, 
"  The  man  we,  who  own  the  property  of  the  state,  have 
chosen  to  do  our  will,  is  dead,  let  the  man  we  have 
chosen  to  succeed  him  take  his  place."  Then  empires 
would  begin  to  tumble  like  meteors  in  the  night,  with 
scarce  that  faint  effulgence  which,  against  even  the  dark 


PIIRONOCRACY  I  I9 

background  of  centuries  of  ignorance  and  vice,  would  be 
necessary  to  make  their  presence  known. 

The  institution  of  this  protective  condition  would 
likewise  strengthen  property  rights,  increase  domestic 
security,  and,  by  reason  of  lifting  the  burthen  off  of  the 
shoulders  of  the  weak  and  placing  it  upon  the  heads  of 
the  strong,  the  oppressed  would  be  given  greater  oppor- 
tunity ;  in  fact,  as  great  as  could  be  considered  consist- 
ent with  man's  right  to  own  property  at  all  (which  is 
admitted),  and  the  strong  would  not  be  unjustly  op- 
pressed. The  conditions  now  and  heretofore  existing  in 
society  are  and  have  been  just  the  reverse  of  this.  The 
rich  men,  by  reason  of  their  faculty  for  secretiveness, 
and  for  the  further  reason  that  it  is  more  difficult  to 
count  ten  million  grains  than  ten  thousand  grains,  and 
by  reason  of  their  influence  upon  the  assessor  as  to  prop- 
erty not  registered,  usually  pay  a  tax  that  is  propoi-tion- 
ately  as  small  as  their  estates  are  great,  and,  the  greater 
the  estate  the  less  proportionably  it  contributes,  whilst 
the  small  home  of  the  widow,  the  trust  bonds  of  the  in- 
fant, and  the  small  accumulations  of  the  aged  and 
decrepit,  are  taxed  full  up  and  ofttimes  excessively. 

This  all  admit  to  be  wrong,  and  even  those  who  oppose 
the  cumulative  rate  upon  the  flimsy  pretext  that  even  then 
some  property  would  be  secreted,  will  be  obliged  to  admit 
that  the  said  cumulative  rate  on  what  is  found  and  assessed 
would,  to  a  great  degree,  compensate  the  state  for  that 
which  is  secreted. 

In  other  words,  if,  as  in  the  present,  a  man  with  five 
million  dollars  could  secrete  two  and  a  half  million  dollars 
and  pay  about  one  dollar  per  hundred  on  the  balance,  he 
would  really  be  paying  only  about  the  half  of  one  per 
cent,  on  the  whole,  but  if,  under  the  cumulative-rate  tax 
(notwithstanding  the  greatly  improved  system  of  assess- 


I20  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

ment),  he  should  yet  secrete  two  and  a  half  millions,  his 
rate  would  still  be  two  and  a  half  per  cent.,  or  he  would 
be  contributing  just  five  times  as  much  to  the  state  as 
under  the  present  condition  of  affairs. 

The  increased  facilities  for  assessments  would  render 
secretiveness  much  more  difficult,  and  there  can  be  im- 
posed for  it  very  severe  penalties,  as  will  hereafter  be 
explained. 

The  first  and  most  important  consideration  is  :  What 
amount  of  money  will  the  cumulative  tax  secure  to  the 
treasury  of  the  country  ;  however,  this  cuts  no  figure  as 
to  the  question  of  sufficiency  or  insufficiency,  because 
horizontal  percentage  of  increase  and  reduction  can  be 
fully  arranged.  There  is  no  way  of  getting  at  the  thing 
with  absolute  accuracy,  because  the  number  of  large 
estates  relatively  to  the  small  cannot  be  definitely  ascer- 
tained. The  question  as  to  what  will  be  done  with  the 
excess  of  the  estates  of  very  rich  individuals  will  also 
appear  as  an  objection,  though  not  serious. 

At  one  cent  on  each  one  thousand,  or  a  rate  equalling 
the  one  hundred-thousandth  part  of  the  estate,  and  esti- 
mating five  per  cent,  as  the  income  that  maintains  estates 
at  par,  it  is  clear  that  outgo  would  equal  income,  allowing 
something  for  local  assessment,  when  the  fortune  equals 
about  four  million  dollars  ;  in  fact,  the  net  income  from 
three  millions  would  be  about  as  much  as  from  four.  A 
man  could,  of  course,  keep  all  he  could  pay  taxes  on,  but 
if  he  kept  much  more  than  three  million  dollars  he  would 
soon  be  running  in  debt,  and  the  state  would  gradually 
absorb  the  excess,  so  that,  without  any  mincing  of  words, 
of  sugar-coated  terms,  like  the  tariff-reform  free-traders 
or  the  single-tax  land-confiscationists  use,  It  is  boldly  ad- 
mitted that  all  excess  would  be  confiscated  and  the  work 
would  be  boldly  carried  out. 


rURONOCRACY  121 

Of  course  the  natural  tendency  of  this  would  be  to 
encourage  the  one-hundred-millionaires  to  disgorge,  to 
give  to  their  uncles,  their  cousins,  and  their  aunts  large 
amounts  of  property  when  it  was  evident  that  the  cumu- 
lative system  was  in  fact  to  be  enforced,  rather  than 
permit  the  state  to  own  it,  on  the  theory  that  blood  is 
thicker  than  water, — to  give  to  their  kin  rather  than  to 
their  country.  Of  course  the  government  has  no  power 
to  say  that  this  should  not  be  done,  especially  if  done 
before  the  system  took  effect  ;  even  thereafter  it  would 
not  be  necessary  to  say  that  a  man  should  not  be  a  ben- 
efactor to  his  friends,  especially  to  his  relatives,  rather 
than  be  a  benefactor  to  the  state.  A  one-hundred-mil- 
lion-dollar man  would  have  to  divide  among  thirty  or 
forty  people  before  either  would  have  an  estate  that 
would  be  smaU  enough  (how  singular  the  term)  to  yield 
them  any  net  profits,  and  a  two-hundred-million-dollar 
man  would  have  to  divide  among  about  one  hundred 
before  his  estate  would  be  sma//  enough  to  be  of  much 
value  to  any,  and  since  this  would  spread  the  thing  out 
into  lots  of  fifties  and  hundreds,  it  would  effect  of  itself 
a  tolerably  good  division  and  still  force  these  fortunate 
relatives  to  contribute  in  the  ratio  of  i/ieir  ability — {the 
essence  of  the  whole  scheme  and  the  key  to  equitable  distribu- 
tion afid  the  only  key).  So  why  not  let  the  poor  kin  have 
it  ?  Again,  it  would  be  urged  that  one-hundred-million- 
aires would  temporarily  transfer  their  property  to  their 
uncles,  their  cousins,  their  sisters,  and  their  aunts  just 
prior  to  and  pending  the  date  of  assessment,  with  a  tacit 
agreement  that  it  should  be  re-transferred  as  soon  as 
assessment-day  is  over  ;  or  they  would  pay  to  different 
people,  for  example,  their  clerks  and  other  flunkies,  cer- 
tain small  salaries  to  consent  to  have  the  property  assessed 
in  their  names,  but  with  the  understanding  that  the  in- 


122  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

come  should  be  paid  or  given  back  to  the  original  one- 
hundred-millionaire.     This  could  be  obviated  m  several 
ways  ;  but  if  it  could  not  be  obviated  at  all,  what  pleasure 
or  what  object  would  any  individual  have  in  accumulat- 
ing more  property  than  he  could  ever  possibly  need  if  he 
had   to  use   such   subterfuges  to   retain  it,  and  subject 
himself  to  the   great  probability  of   being  detected,  in 
which  case  he  might  lose  all,  even  the  very  liberal  amount 
that  he  could  own  and  handle  without  any  subterfuge, 
and  also  to  liability  to  arrest  and  imprisonment  besides. 
Of  the  most  obdurate  objector  it  could  be  asked  :  Would 
not  these  penalties  and  the  maintenance  of  the  necessary 
machinery  by  which  to  evade  the  law  at  least  deter,  if  it 
did  not  absolutely  prevent,  men  from  acquiring  such  use- 
less property  as  to  render  evasion  necessary,  and  to  the 
extent  that  it  did  deter  them,  would  it  not  be  the  end  in 
part  at  least  attained  ?     Such  could  be  the  methods  of 
assessment  thatj  notwithstanding  a  very  dubious  desire 
to  do  so,  it  would  not  be  possible  to  succeed  very  well, 
and,  considering  the   penalties,  the  game  would  not  be 
worth  the  candle,  and  it  would  not  in  practice  be  at- 
tempted to  any  great    or  even  to  an  appreciable  extent. 
The  first  step   to  be   taken   would  be    to    propose  the 
amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitution,  so  as  to  remove 
all  doubt  as  to  the  power  of  the  general  government  to 
impose  a  cumulative  rate  of  taxation,  and  as  it  would 
require  the  sanction  of  three  fourths  of  the  State  Legis- 
latures and  two  thirds  of  their  delegations  in  Congress, 
its  adoption   would  be  necessarily  slow,   but  its  intro- 
duction would  command  immediate  attention,  and   the 
monster  magnates  would  begin  to  think.    A  few  might  con- 
clude that  the  thing  was  reasonably  fair  and  just  anyhow, 
and  that,  since  it  was  coupled  with  a  proposition  prevent- 
ing the  waifs  and  irresponsibles  of  the  community  from 


I'lIRONOCKACV  123 

having  any  voice  in  governments,  giving  the  machine 
over  into  the  hands  of  those  only  who  knew  something 
and  owned  something,  thus  adding  to  the  security  and 
the  uninterrupted  enjoyment  of  the  competency,  yea,  the 
abundance,  that  remained,  why  not  let  the  dance  go  on  ? 
Some  might  be  satisfied  in  the  reflection  that  they  would 
be  as  rich  as  any  other  man,  and  they  would  have  enough, 
and  it  would  not  be  so  bad  after  all.  It  is  astonishing 
how  human  character  is  affected  by  the  removal  of  the 
desire  to  excel. 

To  excel  another  man  any  man  might  desire  a  billion, 
when  if  no  man  could  excel  him  he  would  be  content 
with  only  a  million,  or  rather  with  that  amount  which 
would  insure  absolute  protection  against  want  and  enable 
him  to  enjoy  such  luxury  as  he  desired  in  company  with 
his  family.  The  difficulty  would  not  exist  in  the  oppo- 
sition of  the  great  millionaires,  if  so  their  numerical 
strength  would  be  comparatively  so  small  that  it  could 
not  delay,  much  less  thwart,  the  purposes  of  the  cumula- 
tive principle.  The  number  whose  estates  would  be 
materially  affected,  that  is,  the  number  of  estates  which, 
under  the  cumulative  rate,  would  be  called  upon  to  pay 
more  than  their  accustomed  contributions,  would  be 
small ;  hence,  aside  from  their  general  recognition  of  the 
eternal  fitness  of  the  thing,  the  middle  classes,  or  the 
reputable  citizens  with  moderate  yet  comfortable  estates, 
should  be  almost  unanimously  in  its  favor. 

The  proposition  would  have  coupled  and  indissolubly 
linked  with  it  its  proper  counterpoise,  its  compensating 
advantage,  to  wit  :  "  qualification  for  suffrage."  And 
just  here  is  where  the  shoe  will  pinch.  So  abominably 
promiscuous  has  become  the  suffrage  system  of  the 
United  States,  and  so  corrupt  and  mischievous  its  prac- 
tices, that  almost  the  entire   machinery  of  government 


124  POLITICS   AND    rROPERTV 

has  been  permitted  to  drift  into  the  hands  of  professional 
politicians  and  charlatans  ;  in  fact,  except  on  great  oc- 
casions, such  as  presidential  elections  and  heated  contests 
for  the  larger  offices,  the  commercial  population  takes 
no  interest  in  politics,  knowing  as  they  do  that  the 
bosses  of  the  lower  wards  and  the  henchmen  under 
thera — both  equally  corrupt  and  void  of  any  principle 
save  the  most  questionable  and  devious  means  of  secur- 
ing the  success  of  their  candidates — will  control  the 
election,  it  matters  not  how  unjustly,  whether  they  vote 
or  not. 

The  proposition,  therefore,  would  receive  the  bitter 
opposition  of  both  the  professional  politician  and  his 
henchmen,  both  utterly  unfitted  to  wield  the  destinies  of 
the  state,  yet  both  hitherto  essential  to  the  success  of  any 
candidate  or  the  establishment  of  any  principle. 

It  is  evident  where  the  qualification  condition  would 
disfranchise  ten  voters  in  the  slums  of  Chicago  and  New 
York  and  ten  negroes  in  every  State  of  the  South  (both 
classes  as  utterly  unfit  for  suffrage  as  the  blackest  cohorts 
of  the  prince  of  darkness  would  be  to  a  seat  in  Heaven 
beside  our  Lord  and  Saviour),  it  would  perhaps  not  dis- 
franchise more  than  one  or  possibly  two  in  the  prosper- 
ous rural  districts  and  smaller  towns  of  the  North,  East, 
and  West,  and  perhaps  a  smaller  proportion  of  the  white 
population  of  the  South,  and  it  is  this  portion  of  the 
citizens,  together  with  the  conservative  middle  classes 
of  all  the  cities  in  the  country,  that  must  ultimately  ex- 
terminate the  political  bum,  the  parasite  and  boodler  of 
the  great  metropolitan  centres,  and  the  voodooistic  African 
barbarian  of  the  sunlit  South.  The  party  shibboleth,  as 
stated,  should  be  "  cumulative  taxation  and  voting  quali- 
fication," "  North  American  annexation,"  and  "  anti- 
centralization,"    to    secure    which    the    adoption  of    the 


i'iiR()X(>c;uACv  125 

amendment  makicg  sure  the  right  of  Congress  to  impose 
it  would  be  the  first  consideration. 

To  do  this  would  be  required  only  Congressmen  and 
State  Legislatures,  and  for  which  positions  the  support  of 
all  friends  of  reform  should  be  pledged.  The  amend- 
ment should  be  called  the  "  conservative  amendment," 
because  it  looks  for  support  to  the  conservative  middle- 
men of  all  parties — to  those  who  think  that  the  conser- 
vative mean  is  better  than  either  extreme. 

Of  course  prior  to  the  passage  of  the  amendment  it 
would  be  useless  to  propose  incidental  legislation,  but 
for  the  better  understanding  of  the  people  a  few  of  the 
principal  proposed  enactments  to  follow  its  adoption 
could  be  made  known,  though  of  course  until  the  fact 
was  once  established,  it  would  not  be  possible  to  pre- 
arrange all  the  minor  details,  any  more  than  it  would  be 
possible  to  say  just  what  the  exact  height  of  a  child 
would  be  when  grown  to  maturity,  before  the  child  was 
born.  Incidental  legislation  for  the  purpose  of  improv- 
ing the  system  could  be  passed  almost  every  year,  just  as 
enactments  are  currently  passed  as  to  the  application  of 
the  tariff  and  decisions  of  the  treasury  called  for  even 
pending  the  annual  meetings  of  Congress.  Coupled  with 
the  general  arguments  offered  in  support  of  the  amend- 
ment, it  might  be  given  out  to  the  people  that  certain 
primary  acts  would  be  passed  covering  the  principal  fea- 
tures of  the  practical  operation  and  such  alone  as  were 
necessary  to  insure  its  unquestioned  feasibility.  Still,  as 
to  the  practical  carrying  out  of  the  measure  there  can 
not  be  the  slightest  doubt  even  in  the  minds  of  the  most 
violent  of  its  opponents.  In  the  first  place  there  would 
have  to  be  created  by  the  general  government  an  official 
to  be  known  as  the  "  collector  of  revenue."  There  would 
perhaps  have  to  be  one  of  these  for  each  congressional 


126  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

district  in  the  country,  and  the  apportionment  of  districts 
could  be  arranged  on  the  basis  of  the  qualified  voter. 
This  collector,  like  the  Congressmen,  should  be  elected 
by  the  people,  but  should  be  removable  by  the  President 
if  in  the  latter's  opinion  he  should  be  negligent,  dishon- 
est, or  incompetent;  but  the  successor  should  be  likewise 
chosen  by  the  people,  so  that  whilst  the  President  could 
destroy  he  could  not  create  this  official. 

The  same  also  should  apply  to  postmasters;  they  should 
be  elected  by  the  people  in  the  towns,  cities,  or  localities 
in  which  they  exercise  their  functions,  and  should  like- 
wise be  removable  by  the  President  for  cause  to  him 
deemed  sufficient,  in  which  case  the  people  would  choose 
his  successor.  This  power  of  removal  would  be  neces- 
sary in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  business  both  of  the 
collector  and  postmaster  would  be  so  closely  connected 
with  that  of  the  general  government  that  if  from  obsti- 
nacy, caused  by  hostility  to  an  administration  of  the 
federal  government  opposed  to  his  own  politics,  or  from 
incompetency  or  from  neglect,  any  such  officer  should 
mar  the  efficiency  of  the  service,  it  would  be  but  right 
that  he  should  be  removed,  providing  always  that  the 
people  name  his  successor.  This  successor,  being  mind- 
ful of  the  causes  that  prompted  the  removal  of  his  prede- 
cessor, would  of  course  exert  his  efforts  to  remedy  same, 
so  that  it  would  very  rarely  occur  that  either  a  collector 
or  a  postmaster  would  be  removed,  it  mattered  not  how 
adverse  his  politics  might  be  to  that  of  the  dominant 
administration,  and  one  removal  by  the  President  would 
be  all-sufficient  to  correct  the  evil  in  his  elected  suc- 
cessor. All  minor  officers  of  the  civil  service  that  cannot, 
in  the  nature  of  things,  be  elective,  such  as  clerks  in  the 
departments  at  the  capital  and  under  the  collector  and 
postmaster   in    their    respective   districts  and  localities, 


PlIRONOCRACY  12/ 

should  be  thrown  open  to  competitive  examination.  This 
system  is  opposed  because  it  is  said  to  be  no  test  of  a 
man's  efficiency  or  competency  to  perform  the  duties  of 
these  offices  that  he  should  have  his  head  crammed  with 
miscellaneous  information  such  as  was  necessarily  the 
test  that  examiners  would  apply.  It  is  agreed,  however, 
that  general  information  does  no  harm  ;  that  a  man  who 
knows  something  is,  other  things  being  anything  like 
equal,  better  in  the  performance  of  any  duty  than  he 
who  knows  nothing.  A  letter  carrier  is  none  the  less 
worthy  or  efficient  because  he  might  know  the  bounda- 
ries of  every  state  or  the  identical  confines  of  every 
nation  of  Europe,  or  the  geographical  location  of  every 
town  or  hamlet  on  either  continent ;  but  it  might  be  that 
he  who  knew  not  these  things  might  be  incompetent,  it 
matters  not  what  might  be  his  "  political  'fluence."  The 
civil  service  under  the  Phronocratic  proposition  is  to  be 
as  efficient  as  possible  and  wholly  exempt  from  partisan 
control.  The  patronage  of  the  President  should  be  cur- 
tailed and  all  officials  elected  by  the  people  within  the 
limit  of  reason  or  possibility;  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
the  ballot  may  be  curtailed  and  purified,  that  none  save 
those  who  know  something  and  own  something  can 
participate  in  elections,  the  better  classes  will  assume 
control  and  in  their  hands  can  more  safely  be  placed 
these  increased  elective  opportunities.  When  the  Presi- 
dent has  chosen  the  heads  of  departments,  or  in  other 
words  his  cabinet  of  counsellors  and  advisers,  appointed 
foreign  diplomats  and  the  governors  of  the  territories,  he 
has  done  quite  enough  of  this  class  of  labor  for  the  pay 
he  is  receiving,  and  it  is  thought  best  to  relieve  him  of 
that  annoyance. 

Aside  from  the   collections  that    would    have    to    be 
provided  for  in  each  district,  the  President  would  have  to 


128  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

appoint  one  whose  residence  would  be  in  New  York 
City,  whose  duty  it  should  be  to  assess  all  non-resident 
property  located  wheresoever — that  is,  the  property  of 
any  foreigner  located  in  the  United  States. 

The  salary  of  the  collector  of  taxes  should  be  at  all 
times  the  same  as  that  of  a  Congressman,  and  that  of  all 
postmasters  should  be  determined  by  the  number  of 
stamps  cancelled  at  their  offices,  and  where  a  reasonable 
percentage  of  this  amount  would  not  afford  adequate 
compensation,  the  rate  could  be  named  by  the  Post- 
master-General. Every  individual  would  have  to  be 
required  to  pay  his  government  or  cumulative  tax  in  the 
district  in  ivhich  he  resided,  and  to  the  collector  of 
same.  It  would  be  the  duty  of  the  collector  of  every 
district  to  report  property  found  in  his  own,  to  the  eol- 
lector  of  the  district  in  which  the  owner  resided  ;  for 
example,  if  a  farm  should  be  owned  by  John  Smith  in  the 
sixth  district  of  Illinois,  and  John  himself  should  live  in 
the  fourth  district  of  Ohio,  or  in  a  town  in  that  district  the 
collector  of  the  sixth  Illinois  would  be  required  to  report 
to  the  collector  of  the  fourth  Ohio,  the  fact  that  he  had  dis- 
covered in  his  district  10,000  dollars  worth,  or  whatever  the 
amount  might  be,  of  property  belonging  to  John  Smith, 
resident  of  his,  the  fourth  Ohio  district,  on  receipt  of 
which  information,  the  collector  of  the  fourth  Ohio  would 
proceed  to  add  10,000  dollars  to  John  Smith's  list  of  prop- 
erty and  apply  his  cumulative  tax  thereto.  So  in  all  the 
districts,  as  to  all  the  others,  and  as  to  foreigners,  each 
collector  would  report  to  the  one  appointed  by  the  presi- 
dent who  resided  in  New  York.  It  is  useless  for  objec- 
tors to  say  that  this  could  not  be  done  because  these 
objections  are  seen  at  a  glance  to  be  prompted  by  the 
wish,  not  by  the  thought,  and  even  if  a  few  thousand 
should  be   missed,   what  matters   it  when  millions    are 


I'llRONOCRACV  129 

missed  as  it  is,  and  must  of  necessity  be  under  any  system, 
because  human  affairs  are  not  more  perfect  than  human 
beings  themselves,  and  they  are  not  strong  when  too 
severely  tempted.  It  is  not  a  good  argument  against  a 
thing  to  say  :  Oh,  it  is  not  absolutely  perfect,  what 
human  thing  is  perfect  ? 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  this  system  of  ascertaining 
and  reporting  individual  property  would  be  by  far  the 
best  contrivance  that  has  ever  been  invented,  surpassing 
infinitely  the  cumbersome  system  of  internal  revenue, 
where  an  army  of  storekeepers,  gaugers,  marshals,  deputy 
marshals,  and  others  has  to  be  maintained  at  an  expense 
to  the  government  in  many  cases  more  than  the  revenue 
derived  therefrom,  for  the  purpose  of  supervising  and 
controlling  the  distillation  of  whiskey  and  most  malt 
liquors.  Furthermore,  since  States  and  localities  have 
their  respective  local  assessors  and  collect  their  revenue 
from  the  property  (not  from  the  trader  and  manufac- 
turer) of  the  country,  the  central  government  always 
cumulative,  and  the  local  usually  direct,  the  two  would 
be  a  great  aid  to  each  other  and  would  usually  reach 
very  correct  results.  All  corporations  would  be  required 
to  have  some  distinct  central  office,  and  this  corporation 
(which  as  such  would  be  exempt  from  government  tax) 
would  be  required  to  report  to  the  collector  in  the  dis- 
trict in  which  its  central  office  was  situate,  once  each 
month  if  need  be,  the  names  of  each  individual  and  the 
amounts  of  stocks  and  bonds  held  by  said  individual 
during  that  month  or  other  period  to  be  named  in  that 
corporation.  All  companies  should  be  obliged  to  have 
a  register  open  to  the  inspection  of  the  collector  or 
his  subordinates,  containing  a  complete  and  accurate 
list,  not  only  of  the  total  capitalization  of  the  com- 
pany, but  the  monthly  average  of  shares  held  by  each 
9 


I30  POLITICS   AND    I'ROPERTV 

individual,  also  the  same  as  to  bonds  ;  and  each  indi- 
vidual would  be  obliged  to  register  both  with  the 
company  and  with  the  collector  the  exact  number 
of  bonds  and  shares  of  stock,  and  the  amount  of  each 
that  he  held.  Bonds  payable  to  bearer  should  be  none 
the  less  subject  to  registration,  and  any  shares  or  bonds 
held  that  were  not  thus  registered,  should  have  no 
binding  force  against  the  corporation,  and  should  be 
subject  to  confiscation  by  the  government,  simply  on 
proof  of  non-registry  for  two  consecutive  offences.  To 
registration  objection  would  be  urged  on  the  ground  of 
detail,  labor,  espionage,  and  the  like,  but  it  would  cer- 
tainly be  sufficiently  practicable  to  cause  great  good  ; 
and  even  if  it  should  merit  these  objections,  would  not 
the  benefit  outweigh  the  burden  ?  Why  should  property 
be  owned  that  cannot  be  listed  ?  List  it  and  tax  it  and 
that  cionulatively  too  !  Stock-  and  bondholders  would  be 
thus  obliged,  or  incur  great  risk,  to  register  their  hold- 
ings both  with  the  company  on  its  books  and  with  the 
collector  in  the  district  of  its  central  office  on  his  books, 
and  in  the  event  of  failure  upon  the  part  of  the  company 
to  keep  this  registry  open  when  desired  to  the  inspection 
of  the  collector,  its  charter  could  be  at  once  annulled 
and  its  property  offered  for  sale,  the  proceeds  of 
which  sale  would  be  divided  among  the  stock-  and 
bondholders  (the  latter  holding  precedence  to  the  par 
value  of  their  bonds)  on  the  basis  of  the  last  cotnplete 
registry  shown  by  the  books  of  the  collector.  The  indi- 
vidual for  failure  to  register  with  the  collector  after 
two  months  from  the  date  in  which  he  acquired  his 
holdings,  could  not  only  be  subject  to  entire  con- 
fiscation, but  to  criminal  penalty  as  well,  the  latter  to 
be  determined  by  trial  before  the  United  States  judge 
in  the  district  in    which  the  offender  resided.     These 


PIIRONOCRACY  I31 

penalties  could  be  made  to  fit  the  conditions  as  expe- 
rience would  suggest. 

The  confiscation,  however,  could  be  summarily  de- 
clared by  the  collector  and  the  possessor,  could  only  be 
reinstated  by  appeal  to  the  federal  courts,  which  should, 
in  determining  his  case,  take  into  consideration  only  the 
question  whether  or  not  the  failure  to  register  was  the 
result  of  ignorance,  error,  or  neglect,  or  of  wilful  intent 
to  secrete  his  property  ;  if  the  latter,  there  would  be  no 
remedy,  and  the  former  excuse  could  not  be  urged  but 
once.  If  any  individual  had  made  temporary  transfer  to 
any  other  individual  for  the  purpose  of  evading  the 
cumulative  rate,  on  conviction  before  the  United  States 
judge  he  could  be  made  liable  to  imprisonment  of  his 
person,  and  forfeiture  of  his  estate  as  occasion  might 
require. 

Stock  in  corporations  is  usually  transferred  only  on 
the  books  of  the  company,  but  it  is  sometimes,  for  specu- 
lative purposes,  not  entered  thereon  because  of  incon- 
venience. The  plan  required  for  the  application  of  the 
government's  cumulative  rate  would  force  this  registry, 
not  alone  of  stock  but  bonds,  which  would  have  a  most 
salutary  effect  in  curtailing  wild  and  ruinous  specula- 
tion, and  in  elevating  the  character  and  tone  of  all  stock 
exchanges  ;  furthermore,  it  would  act  as  a  protection 
for  the  conservative  investor  against  the  reckless  specu- 
lation of  the  ordinary  stock  gambler  ;  it  would  prevent 
large  and  rapid  exchanges  for  purely  speculative  pur- 
poses, hence  give  steadiness  and  tone  to  the  markets  of 
the  country.  The  system  of  enforced  registration  has 
been  in  effect  in  England  for  many  years,  and  there 
works  well  and  practically.  In  fact  there  is  nothing  im- 
practicable about  it,  though  those  opposed  to  the  system 
will  try  to   make  the  people  believe  that  changes  and 


132  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

transfers  are  so  rapid  that  they  could  not  be  registered 
to  the  extent  required  by  the  provisions  of  these  laws, 
to  which  it  may  be  replied,  "  Then  let  them  be  a  little 
slower,"  and  we  will  all  try  to  live.  Forcing  a  man  to 
register  what  he  owns  is  no  great  hardship,  and  it  is  a 
simple  duty  that  he  owes  to  the  state  and  to  the  mercan- 
tile community.  The  adoption  of  the  system  would 
aid  materially  the  ascertainment  of  a  man's  commercial 
standing,  hence  determine  to  a  large  extent  his  credit  in 
his  business.  In  making  up  individual  returns,  they 
should  be  permitted  to  deduct  from  their  total  any  in- 
debtedness they  might  owe,  provided  the  party  to  whom 
it  was  owing  added  the  same  to  his  returns.  Since 
corporations  in  their  individual  capacity  would  pay  no 
tax  to  the  government  collector,  but  would  simply  be 
obligated  to  show  up  the  exact  holdings  of  individuals, 
if  any  individual  should  seek  to  reduce  his  returns  by 
reason  of  a  debt  due  to  a  corporation,  the  latter  would 
be  obliged  to  produce  evidence  of  the  indebtedness  if 
required  by  the  assessor,  and  show  that  it  gave  to  the 
individual  ample  and  sufficient  value  for  the  said  obliga- 
tion, and  the  individual  would  be  obliged  to  show  proper 
and  regular  disposition  of  that  value  to  the  satisfaction 
of  the  collector  before  it  would  be  deductable  from  his 
full  list  of  property.  What  corporations  would  owe  or 
what  they  would  own  matters  not,  because  they  w-ould 
not  be  assessed,  and  what  they  owed  or  what  they 
owned  would  determine  the  value  of  the  stock  on  which 
the  individual  would  pay  tax,  and  the  value  of  their 
bonds  would  not  be  difficult  of  determination.  The 
corporation  should,  when  required,  show  to  the  col- 
lector a  list  of  its  bills  payable  and  to  whom  due, 
and  if  any  individual  owned  such  note  and  failed 
to  report  it,  it  should  be  liable  to  confiscation.     Notes 


PHRONOCRACV  133 

or  obligations  between  corporations  themselves  would 
be  of  no  consequence  whatever,  because  the  govern- 
ment would  have  to  do  only  with  individuals,  and 
the  holdings  of  corporations,  or  the  debts  of  corpora- 
tions, i.  e.,  the  floating  debts,  would  affect  the  value 
either  by  increase  or  decrease  of  the  stock  held  by 
individuals.  This  individual  restriction  will  not  hamper 
enterprise,  but  simply  give  more  people  an  opportunity 
to  avail  themselves  of  the  profits  of  enterprises  essen- 
tially monopolistic  in  their  nature,  and  afford  the  means 
whereby  individuals  could  support  the  government  in 
proportion  to  their  ability.  If  the  conservative  people 
consider  the  thing  right  in  principle,  details  as  to  listing 
and  espionage  will  be  easily  arranged. 

The  necessity  of  non-limitation  of  corporate  concen- 
tration is  seen  in  many  enterprises.  For  example,  the 
bridge  across  the  East  River  between  New  York  and 
Brooklyn,  the  magnificent  structure  completed  in  1890 
across  the  Firth  of  Forth  in  Scotland,  the  Saint  Gothard 
Tunnel  under  the  snow-crowned  Alps,  and  many  other 
instances  are  at  hand,  and  as  civilization  progresses  these 
will  be  extended  both  in  number  and  magnitude. 

It  may  be  possible  some  day  to  bridge  the  Atlantic 
Ocean,  and  if  so  why  not  do  it  ?  There  was  a  time  when 
it  was  thought  impossible  to  cable  it,  but  that  time  has 
long  since  passed.  It  is  by  no  means  impossible  that 
some  day  a  single  corporation  may  exist  with  a  capital 
of  ten  billions  of  dollars  ;  in  fact,  if  the  railways  of 
America  had  been,  in  1890,  owned  by  one  company 
(and  with  cumulative  taxation  why  not  ?),  they  would 
have  represented  about  ten  billion,  and  would  perhaps 
be  operated  more  cheaply  and  expeditiously  than  now. 

There  is  no  denying  the  fact  that  increased  capital 
increases  facility,  and   that  increased  facility  increases 


134  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

cheapness  as  well  as  expedition,  hence  it  is  actually 
better  to  operate  large  enterprises  under  one  head  than 
under  several  heads.  This  is  forcibly  shown  in  the  case 
of  the  American  Standard  Oil  monopoly.  This  institu- 
tion, by  dint  of  good  management  and  opportune  condi- 
tions, secured  such  concentration  of  capital  as  to  enable 
it  to  practically  command  the  railway  rates  of  freight  on 
its  products,  and  when  these  became  inadequate  it  con- 
structed its  own  pipeways,  thus  possessing  itself  with 
facilities  for  transportation  and  distribution  in  excess  of 
all  competition,  which  resulted  in  colossal  fortunes  to 
the  few  individuals,  and  that,  too,  in  the  face  of  an  actual 
reduction  to  the  consumer  of  the  price  of  the  com- 
modity ;  so  that  in  this  case,  as  in  many  others  if  man- 
aged in  the  same  way,  increased  facilities,  consequent 
solely  and  alone  on  concentrated  wealth,  not  only  result 
in  colossal  fortunes  to  their  projectors  but  at  the  same 
time  reduce  the  price  to  the  consumer.  It  cannot  be 
successfully  urged  that  this  institution  is  a  great  detri- 
ment to  society,  and  if  that  condition  had  existed  by 
which  its  members,  who  were  made  one-hundred-million- 
aires, had  been  obliged  to  contribute  to  government  in 
proportion  to  their  ability  they  would  not  have  been  very 
seriously  oppressed  and  many  more  individuals  would 
have  participated  in  the  profits.  It  may  be  urged  that 
great  enterprises  would  never  be  constructed  but  for  the 
enterprise  of  a  few  very  rich  men,  that  the  public  purse 
will  never  open  to  any  great  project,  and  that  if  the  purse 
of  great  individual  capitalists  was  closed  or  emptied  by 
government  there  would  be  no  great  enterprises.  It  is  a 
sufficient  answer  to  this  to  say  that  if  the  public  don't 
care  sufficiently  for  an  enterprise  to  contribute  toward  or 
to  invest  in  a  company  that  seeks  to  put  it  forward,  then 
the  public  will  not  grieve  much  by  reason  of  its  non-ex- 


PHRONOCkACV  135 

,  istence,  and  to  permit  these  things  to  be,  just  to  make 
the  rich  richer  when  the  public  is  indifferent,  is  a  policy 
that  may  soon  be  abandoned,  be  it  said  to  the  good  sense 
and  humanitarianism  of  the  conservatives  of  the  earth. 
Things  are  not  as  they  used  to  be.  Once  kings  held  in 
their  hands  the  lives  of  their  subjects,  now  the  subjects 
hold  in  their  hands  the  destinies  if  not  the  lives  of  the 
kings.  *'  A  man  can  fish  with  a  worm  that  has  fed  of  a 
king  and  then  eat  of  the  fish  that  has  fed  of  that  worm." 
The  proposition  that  great  enterprises  will  not  go  on  is 
by  no  means  proven  ;  it  is  a  simple  dogmatic  assertion, 
and  like  all  assertions  unsupported  by  evidence,  affects 
only  the  character  of  those  wlio  utter  them.  It  is  found 
that  popular  investment  in  corporations  is  largely,  if  not 
wholly,  withheld  by  reason  of  the  very  fact  that  some  of 
the  individuals  are  rich  enough  to  obtain  complete  con- 
trol, which  usually  results  in  the  destruction  of  the  small 
investor.  With  one  man  who  owns  fifty-one  per  cent., 
the  hundred  men  who  hold  together  forty-nine  have  prac- 
tically no  voice.  They  can  not  elect  a  single  director  nor 
have  any  voice  in  the  management  whatever,  yet  it  would 
not  do  to  urge  that  majorities  should  not  control,  because 
that  would  in  fact  check  enterprise  and  prevent  concen- 
tration on  anything  or  in  any  direction  ;  in  other  words, 
discontented  minorities  would  be  forever  interfering 
with  the  business  of  the  organizations,  creating  discord 
and  confusion  which  must  inevitably  so  hamper  the 
progress  of  the  enterprise  as  to  render  its  business  un- 
profitable, it  matters  not  how  favorable  its  opportunities  ; 
or,  in  other  words,  that  a  house  divided  against  itself 
must  fall.  It  is  therefore  futile  to  assume  that  majorities 
should  not  control.  By-laws  have  been  adopted  by  some 
corporations  requiring  a  two-third  vote  to  accomplish  the 
election  of  a  director  or  to  determine  any  policy,  but  this 


136  J'OLITICS    ANJ^    I'kOFERTV 

and  similar  concessions  to  the  minority  invoke  a  great' 
injustice  to  the  majority,  and  its  plans  are  often  frus- 
trated by  captious  interference.  There  must  be  a  head, 
and  this  head  when  once  chosen  must  control  and  direct 
till  the  end  of  his  term.  But  where  majorities  are  held 
by  one  or  two  men  there  is  never  any  or  at  least  little 
opportunity  for  an  alteration  of  the  policy  or  manage- 
ment of  the  organization  in  the  interests  of  or  in  con- 
formity with  the  views  of  the  remaining  stockholders, 
whereas  if  majorities  were  held  by  many  men  the  control 
never  would  become  autocratic,  but  when  the  officials 
are  once  chosen  and  the  policy  fixed  its  administration 
can  be  quite  as  efficient  as  when  wholly  in  the  hands  of 
the  one-man  owner.  Why  could  not  a  certain  individual 
of  unquestioned  fitness  and  capacity  manage  the  affairs 
of  a  railway,  a  bank,  or  other  corporation  if  chosen  by 
ten  or  even  a  hundred  men  to  constitute  the  majority  as 
well  as  if  elected  by  only  one,  and  in  corporations, 
monopolistic  in  their  nature,  the  result  of  the  combined 
opinions  of  many  stockholders  is  usually  more  in  keep- 
ing with  the  best  interests  of  the  corporation,  and  always 
more  representative  of  the  rights  of  the  community 
(which  should  not  be  wholly  ignored)  than  are  those 
subject  to  the  autocratic  domination  of  the  one-man 
power  in  the  selection  of  managing  officials.  When  the 
officers  are  once  chosen,  even  though  at  the  behest  of 
several  rather  than  of  one,  they  are  none  the  less  able  to 
handle  the  business  of  which  they  are  the  recognized 
head  with  equal  decision,  individuality,  and  firmness  ; 
and  if  at  the  end  of  a  term  the  management  had  been 
successful  there  would  be  no  question  as  to  succession 
for  an  indefinite  period,  and  if  not,  then  necessarily  and 
properly  a  new  management  should  prevail.  Thus, 
therefore,  under  the  present  system,  when   a  few  very 


PHRONOCRACV  1 IJ 

rich  men  can  combine,  or  one  can,  at  his  option  or 
fanciful  caprice,  "  freeze  out  "  the  minority,  there  is  not 
only  no  inducement  for  the  public  to  take  stock,  but  an 
absolutely  unquestioned  and  st^nsible  reason  why  they 
should  not.  Later,  when  it  may  come  to  pass  that  no 
great  corporation  can  ever  be  controlled  by  a  single  man, 
or,  if  involving  a  vast  sum  of  money,  even  by  a  few  men, 
the  populace  will  spring  to  the  front  with  avidity  and  in 
great  numbers  and  participate  in  the  construction  of 
great  and  needed  improvements.  Nearly  all  great  en- 
terprises in  America,  by  reason  of  the  rapidly  increasing 
population,  gain  an  immense  amount  from  the  increments 
of  society.  Properties  costing  originally  one  or  ten  mil- 
lion dollars  soon  pay  interest  on  from  four  to  forty 
millions,  caused  solely  by  the  increase  of  public  patron- 
age and  the  monopolistic  character  of  the  improvement. 
In  other  words,  the  conditions  are  such  that  a  rival 
establishment  can  not  be  constructed  until  the  neces- 
sity has  grown  so  great  as  to  make  the  value  of  the  origi- 
nal many  times  its  cost.  This  is  notably  the  case  with 
the  elevated  railways  in  New  York  City — in  fact,  with 
railway  properties  almost  throughout  the  entire  American 
Republic. 

The  actual  cash  outlay  required  to  construct  the  first- 
named  improvement  was  perhaps  not  more  than  $10,000,- 
000.  In  1890  it  was  carrying  600,000  passengers  daily, 
producing  a  gross  earning  capacity  of  about  33°>oo° 
per  day,  and  paid  good  interest  on  four  times  its  cost. 
Thus,  therefore,  there  is  an  unearned  increment  of 
$30,000,000,  and  that,  too,  in  face  of  the  fact  that  prices 
for  transportation  have  been  reduced  to  the  minimum — 
less  than  originally  authorized  by  law.  In  a  word,  there 
appears  to  be  no  possible  way  of  reducing  the  income  ; 
a  lower  price  would  cause  increased  travel  at  little  in- 


138  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

creased  expense  to  the  company,  but  to  great  increased 
inconvenience  to  the  public,  so  that  it  is  really  a  ques- 
tion whether  or  not,  in  making  prices  low  so  as  to  serve 
a  great  many,  the  company  is  really  serving  any  as  they 
should  be  served,  and  this  very  principle  prevails  in 
many  other  places. 

It  is  a  question  whether  or  not  many  kinds  of  service 
are  not  too  cheap.  Many  people  would  gladly  pay 
increased  prices  for  increased  privacy  and  comfort,  and 
in  the  case  of  the  particular  enterprise  to  which  allusion 
is  made — the  Manhattan  Elevated  of  New  York — it 
became  not  a  question  of  price  but  one  of  actual  ability 
to  accommodate  the  public  at  any  reasonable  price. 
The  city  has  grown  so  enormously,  and  its  geographical 
position  and  topographical  features  are  such,  that  there 
cannot  exist  for  some  time  any  successful  rival — in  fact, 
such  is  its  patronage  that  the  company  itself  would 
gladly  build  more  lines,  but  they  are  thought  to  be  an 
infringement  upon  the  street  space  and  an  injury  to 
abutting  property.  And  the  same  conditions  prevail  in 
many  localities  and  in  many  enterprises. 

The  unearned  increment  will  frequently  add  vast  sums 
to  original  investors  before  competition  can  be  engaged 
in,  and  all  this  attributable  to  the  increase  of  population 
and  consequent  demand,  and  these  conditions  may  yet 
continue,  and  in  proportion  as  "  freeze  out  "  is  reduced, 
popular  participation  will  be  increased.  If  populated  in 
proportion  to  its  area  and  resources  as  densely  as  are 
most  of  the  countries  of  continental  Europe,  excluding 
Russia,  America  would  contain  several  hundred  million  ; 
and  if  as  dense  as  Asia,  or  of  some  of  the  most  thickly 
populated  of  European  states — for  example,  Belgium, 
which  contains  over  six  hundred  to  the  square  mile, — 
it  would  aggregate  more  than  the  estimated  population 


PIIRONOCRACY  1 39 

in  1890  of  the  entire  known  world.  The  space  within 
its  present  limits,  before  the  acquisition  of  British  North 
America,  Mexico,  and  Central  America,  rather  before  the 
complete  establishment  of  "from  the  Isthmus  to  the  Arc- 
tic "  policy  (which  must  come),  contains  more  arable  land 
by  twenty  per  cent,  than  the  whole  Empire  of  China, 
which  supports  over  half  a  billion  people. 

The  acquisition  of  the  British  possessions  on  the 
north,  and  of  everything  on  the  south  to  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama,  would  add  no  great  per  centum  to  the  existing 
population,  but  would  increase  materially  the  territorial 
area,  and  consequently  the  ability  to  sustain  more 
people  ;  and  whilst  the  population,  unaided  by  any  such 
impetus,  has  increased  about  three  per  cent,  per  annum, 
or  one  third  itself  every  decade,  completely  doubling 
itself  every  generation,  with  the  fresh  stimulus  of  more 
rich  land,  under  a  more  stable  government,  and  under 
that  progressive  state  of  society  whereby  a  few  could 
not  own  the  many,  and  those  alone  who  were  worthy 
could  participate  in  government,  the  population  would 
be  largely  augmented  in  numbers,  and  inconceivably  so 
in  character,  until  it  would  appear  as  though  Europe 
would  be  obliged  to  adopt  the  same  institutions  or  lose 
her  prestige  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  And  thus  the  un- 
earned increments  would  grow  as  to  railways,  highways, 
canals,  and  waterways,  as  to  land, — in  fact,  as  to  every- 
thing that  could  not  be  multiplied  and  increased  so  as 
to  remove  the  monopolistic  features,  but  these  incre- 
ments would  be  more  equitably  divided.  At  present 
and  for  some  time  past  great  objection  has  been  made, 
and  the  public  have  been  told  that  great  wrong  has 
been  inflicted  upon  society,  by  reason  of  an  increased 
capitalization  of  certain,  in  fact,  of  nearly  all,  cor- 
porations,   a   i)rocess    commonly  called   "  watering  the 


I40  l'()LITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

stock."  The  wrong  inflicted  by  this  is  more  imaginary 
than  real. 

If  a  corporation  has  a  net  earning  capacity  of  five 
per  cent,  on  ten  million  dollars,  its  shares  in  the  older 
and  more  thickly  settled  parts  of  the  country  will  sell  at 
par  on  the  basis  of  one  hundred,  and,  if  its  prospects  are 
good,  at  a  higher  rate.  If  subsequently,  by  reason  of 
this  very  increase  of  population  and  demand,  and  at  the 
lawful  rate  for  traffic,  its  net  earnings  should  be  doubled, 
as  is  the  case  in  many  instances,  then,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  it  would  pay  ten  instead  of  five  per  cent,  on  its 
then  capitalization,  and  if  five  per  cent,  previously 
maintained  it  at  par,  then  ten  would  just  as  reasonably 
cause  it  to  be  worth  two  for  one.  What  matters  it 
whether  the  capitalization  is  ten  million  and  worth  two 
for  one,  or  twenty  million  and  worth  only  par.  Un- 
earned increment  has  doubled  its  net  earning  capacity, 
and  it  is  the  merest  child's  play — the  rankest  ignorance 
— to  say  that  the  simple  doubling  of  the  shares  works 
any  injury.  People  need  not  buy  them,  but  they  do  buy 
them,  and  at  times  are  glad  to  get  them — especially  will 
this  be  so  when  that  condition  is  instituted  wherein  no 
one  man,  or  even  a  few  men,  can  autocratically  get  half 
and  control  all.  There  is  no  serious  objection  then  against 
"  watering  the  stock,"  and  there  should  never  have  been 
any.  The  wrong  is  not  there,  it  is  deeper  down  than 
that,  but  the  superficial  observer  cannot  see  it,  and  that 
is  the  trouble. 

Just  so  blatherskites  prate  about  unlawful  holdings, 
and  so  forth,  all  of  which  is  nonsense  or  ignorance,  or 
both.  From  such  shallow-pated  reformers  as  these  the 
millionaire  fears  no  result,  and  they  will  never  accomplish 
any.  A  certificate  of  stock  is  nothing  but  an  evidence 
of  ownership,  and  if  any  man  owns    two  shares  worth 


PHRONOCRACY  I4I 

together  two  hundred  dollars,  he  is  no  richer  than  if  he 
owned  only  one  share  worth  two  hundred  dollars.  Like- 
wise is  there  great  injustice  sought  to  be  practised  against 
corporations  by  obliging  the  organization  as  such  to  pay 
tax  on  its  property  and  then  force  the  individuals  also  to 
pay  tax  on  their  shares.  This  is  radically  unjust.  One 
or  the  other  should  pay — not  both.  The  cumulative 
rate  takes  the  individual,  only  leaving  the  corporation 
alone,  because  corporations  must  have  no  limit — if  so, 
civilized  progress  must  stop.  The  vital  objection  to  all 
previous  propositions  for  political,  commercial,  and  social 
reformation  is  that  enterprise  would  be  stifled.  Not  so 
under  Phronocracy ;  but  great  properties  would  simply  be 
more  popularly  owned.  Likewise  under  other  systems 
would  effect  follow  cause  in  almost  exact  p?-oportiofi. 
Give  to  the  populace  all  the  needs  of  life  free  and  with- 
out labor,  and  there  will  soon  be  nothing  to  give  ;  give 
half  ireQ  and  do  not  increase  prices  on  the  other,  and 
labor  competition  will  inevitably  reduce  labor's  pay. 
Phronocracy  has  a  tendency  in  the  same  general  direc- 
tion, but  it  cannot  be  proportionate.  One  hundred  men 
may  be  relieved  of  taxation  to  the  extent  of  one  dollar 
each  ;  but  one  man  might  be  burdened  to  the  extent  of 
one  hundred  dollars.  In  no  way  is  it  possible  for  the 
latter  to  secure  increased  revenue  proportionate  to  his  in- 
creased tax  ;  but  he  can,  nevertheless,  ozun  and  efij'oy  what 
is  reasonable  and  Just. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

Probable  result  of  the  practical  application  of  the  cumulative  tax — 
Distributes  corporate  and  other  ownership  to  a  maximum  limit  of 
about  four  million  to  one  individual — More  practical  and  simple 
than  income  tax — Requirements  of  the  federal  government  fully 
met — More  equitable  distribution  assured — Average  levy  on  all 
property  only  fifty  cents  per  hundred — Evasion  impossible — • 
Least  burdensome  and  most  certain  and  just  of  all  taxation — 
Greater  distribution  useless  and  hurtful — The  only  true  ' '  protective 
system." 

Having  outlined  some  of  the  principal  steps  that  are 
proposed  to  be  taken  looking  to  the  adoption  of  the 
amendment,  and  before  entering  upon  an  explanation  as 
to  how  the  thing  can  be  accomplished,  it  is  well  to  con- 
sider slightly  more  in  detail  the  supposed  result  of  the 
system. 

It  has  been  partially  explained  how  it  is  proposed  to 
make  the  assessments  and  collections,  and  the  penalties 
to  be  inflicted  for  violation  of  the  laws  incident  thereto. 

There  would  be,  in  fact,  but  few  cases  of  violation  on 
record,  because  on  the  average  estate  the  government's 
levy  would  not  be  large  ;  it  would  only  seriously  affect 
the  many  times  a  millionaire,  and  these  are  going  to  be 
comparatively  few,  but  their  present  estates  are  colossal. 

For  example,  the  rate  being  based  on  each  one  thou- 
sand dollars,  and  equalling  one  cent  for  each,  or  the 
one  hundred-thousandth  part  of  the  estate,  would  apply 
itself  as  follows  : 

142 


PHRONOCRACV 


M3 


otal  Value  of  Estates. 

Rate 

of  Taxation  Cumulative 

1,000  dollars. 

.01 

per 

mille. 

10,000       " 

.10 

( 1 

100,000 

1. 00 

1  ( 

1,000,000 

10.00 

( ( 

5,000,000       '• 

50.00 

" 

10,000,000        " 

100.00 

i  ( 

100,000,000 

1,000.00 

" 

It  will  be  observed,  therefore,  that  allowing  nothing 
for  local  taxation,  and  estimating  five  per  cent,  as  the 
rate  of  income  that  maintains  investments  at  par,  when 
the  estate  reaches  five  millions  outgo  will  equal  income, 
and  that  thereafter  a  continual  loss  will  result  to  the 
capitalist  until,  when  the  one-hundred-million  estate  is 
subjected  to  its  operations,  the  whole  would  be  absorbed 
at  once.  The  continual  loss  on  estates  above  five  million 
would,  of  course,  soon  consume  the  excess,  so  that  unless 
distributed  to  the  uncles,  the  cousins,  and  the  aunts,  it 
would  be  taken  possession  of  by  the  government.  All 
forfeitures  to  the  government — that  is,  property  of  which 
it  would  become  possessed  (which  would  not  be  great 
nor  frequent) — could  be  every  six  months  put  up  and 
sold,  and  the  proceeds  turned  into  the  treasury  as  a  part 
of  the  government's  fund.  The  property  would,  of 
course,  usually  be  bought  by  those  who  were  not  too  rich 
to  own  and  pay  taxes  on  it.  For  example,  if  the  govern- 
ment became  possessor  of  a  block  of  one  million  of  the 
stock  of  a  certain  railroad  company,  it  would  simply  offer 
it  for  sale  and  put  the  proceeds  into  the  treasury. 

The  individual  from  whom  it  came  would  simply  lose 
it  by  reason  of  violation  of  the  law.  The  means  for 
ascertaining  individual  holdings  would  therefore  not  be 
seriously  complicated,  and,  as  has  been  said,  since  the 
cumulative  rate  would  not  be  severe  on  the  majority, — 
on  none,  in  fact,  till  they  became  millionaires  or  over, 


144  POLITICS  AND   PROPERTY 

— the  disposition  to  secrete  would  be  by  no  means  great 
nor  general  In  the  case  of  stocks  and  bonds,  however, 
there  would  be  some  question  (especially  in  the  case  of 
securities  not  listed  on  the  stock  exchanges)  as  to  their 
proper  assessible  value. 

There  was  a  proposition  to  assess  all  at  one  hundred 
cents  on  the  dollar,  which,  it  was  urged,  would  prevent 
the  old  objectionable  practice  of  'Svatering  stocks," 
and  cause  all  companies  to  issue  only  that  amount  of 
securities  that  could  be  maintained  at  par.  This  looked 
simple  and  just  to  that  uninitiated  and  superficial  ob- 
server who  had  heretofore  imagined  that  there  was  a 
great  wrong  inflicted  by  increasing  the  corporate  capi- 
talizations. This  would  prevent  that,  it  is  said,  and 
would  be  simple  and  reasonable,  working  no  injury  to 
the  individual  holder,  for  the  corporation  would  always 
reduce  its  capitalization  to  the  maximum,  which  would 
be  worth  par.  It  is  a  satisfactory  argument  against  this 
to  say  :  what  would  prevent  the  corporation  from  so  re- 
ducing its  capitalization  as  that,  though  assessed  at  par, 
it  would  really  be  worth  three  or  four  for  one  ?  It  would 
therefore  be  found  better  to  assess  all  at  as  near  its  cur- 
rent selling  value  as  could  be  ascertained. 

In  the  case  of  the  largest  corporation  (which  would 
be  the  most  important  and  contain  the  greatest  number 
of  shareholders)  the  monthly  average  would  afford  a  very 
good  criterion,  and  in  most  cases  there  would  be  very 
little  difficulty.  The  collectors  and  individuals  could 
usually  arrive  at  a  very  fair  conclusion,  both  for  the  gov- 
ernment and  the  individual.  In  case,  however,  all  efforts 
at  determining  the  value  should  fail — that  is,  in  case  they 
could  not  agree,  the  government  should  have  a  right  to 
demand  of  the  company,  say,  one  per  cent,  of  its  securi- 
ties, and  the  company  would  of  course  obtain  these  by 


I'HRONOCRACV  I45 

calling  them  in  from  the  individual  holder.  These  secu- 
rities the  collectors  could  offer  for  sale  on  the  open  mar- 
kets after  proper  advertising,  paying,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  the  proceeds  thereof  back  to  the  corporation  ; 
but  the  price  they  brought  should  be  the  rate  at  which 
all  individuals  in  that  corporation  should  be  assessed 
during  that  annual  payment.  The  government  would 
take  no  note  of  incomes.  If  the  holder  of  property  re- 
ceived none,  that  would  be  his  own  misfortune  and  not 
the  government's  charge,  and  if  he  received  forty  per 
cent,  on  a  property  that  could  only  properly  be  assessed 
at  par,  that  would  be  the  individual's  and  not  the  gov- 
ernment's gain.  All  it  would  want  would  be  its  revenue 
on  the  cumulative  basis.  If  property  did  not  pay,  such 
as  vacant  city  lots  and  the  like,  that  would  not  be  the 
government's  business,  and  the  individual  could  sell  them 
and  invest  in  something  else.  Taxation  on  incomes  has 
been  tried  (not  cumulatively,  however),  and  it  does  not 
work. 

It  is  difficult  to  ascertain  at  all  times  and  from  all  prop- 
erty just  what  the  income  is  ;  but  it  is  not  difficult  to 
ascertain  that  a  man  has  property,  and  whether  it  brings 
in  an  income  or  not  alters  not  its  liability  to  the  cumu- 
lative tax.  If  it  continuously  paid  no  revenue,  in  the 
natural  course  of  things  the  value  would  decline,  unless 
it  was  caused  to  advance  by  increasing  demand,  as  city 
lots  or  suburban  farms  or  any  other  class  of  property. 
The  cumulative  feature  would  be  the  essence  of  the  whole 
thing  any  way,  and  it  would  be  imposed  on  property  di- 
rect, because  property  should  pay  its  tax.  With  greater 
complication  and  less  certainty  of  result  it  might  be 
placed  upon  incomes  ;  but  it  matters  not  how  the  cumula- 
tive rate  is  applied,  it  would  work  the  same  result  under 
all  possible  conditions  ;  why,  therefore,  should  the  gov- 
10 


146  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

ernment  bother  about  incomes,  which  are  an  incident  to 
property  and  dependent  much  upon  its  management  and 
control,  when  it  could  effect  the  same,  in  fact  a  better, 
result  from  the  property  direct  on  the  assumption  (which 
is  just)  that  if  it  does  not  yield  income,  it  should.  The 
point  now  is  also  raised  that,  since  corporations  would 
not  be  called  upon  to  account  to  the  government  nor  be 
in  any  Avay  subjected  to  the  cumulative  tax,  all  busi- 
ness would  drift  into  corporations,  and  there  would  be 
no  tax  collected. 

Corporations  could  only  be  organized  by  five  or  more, 
and  in  some  States  by  not  less  than  eleven  men  or  more, 
and  of  course  be  they  five,  eleven,  or  eleven  hundred, 
they  would  be  obliged  to  account  to  the  collector  as 
individuals. 

There  would  be  no  difficulty  in  regulating  the  system  ; 
it  is  not  of  course  as  simple  as  simply  taxing  the  land 
only,  but  its  votaries  will  likely  be  men  who  are  not  seek- 
ing simple  things.  On  the  ground  of  simplicity  and 
perhaps  of  convenience  a  simple  gown  might  be  worn 
made  of  sufficiently  thick  material  to  protect  us  from 
the  wind,  but  society  likes  a  little  more  complication. 
The  advocates  of  a  more  equitable  distribution  of  the 
property  of  the  earth  and  of  stability  in  government,  by 
the  exclusion  from  participation  in  it  of  the  rabble  of  the 
earth,  are  not  seeking  simply  a  simple  method  of  collect- 
ing taxes,  though  all  things  considered  the  plan  would 
prove  in  fact  to  be  the  very  simplest  ever  devised. 

All  that  there  would  be  in  it  different  from  what  every 
county  assessor  in  the  land  is  doing  every  day  would  be 
simply  to  get  the  whole  of  a  man's  estate  together  and 
have  the  tax  paid  to  one  collector  so  that  the  cumulative 
rate  could  take  effect. 

The  requirements  of  the  general  government,  relieved 


»  PHROxVOCRACV  I47 

from  extravagance,  are  now  about  $300,000,000  an- 
nually ;  but  notwithstanding  the  increase  in  popula- 
tion, the  decrease  in  the  public  indebtedness,  and  the 
curtailment  of  the  useless,  unwarranted,  and  unreasona 
ble  pension  lists,  and,  above  all,  by  reason  of  the  curtail- 
ment of  the  ballot  and  the  betterment  of  the  management 
of  public  affairs  consequent  thereon,  the  annual  expendi- 
ture can  be  very  much  curtailed.  Almost  wasteful  ex- 
travagance and  prodigal  expenditure  can  be  nevertheless 
indulged  in  as  to  the  improvement  of  inland  waterways 
(which  the  general  government  controls),  the  erection  of 
coast  defences  and  similar  public  improvement,  also  the 
construction  of  a  navy,  which  may  soon  be  more  necess- 
ary than  heretofore,  by  reason  of  the  eventual  acquisition 
of  almost  all  the  Greater  Antilles  and  many  islands  in  the 
Pacific  Ocean  ;  yet  even  with  all  this,  $300,000,000 
per  year  should  be  ample,  and  may  exceed  the  average. 

It  is  clear  that  $300,000,000  could  be  obtained  on  the 
basis  of  $6 1 ,000,000,000  of  property  (which  is  less  than  the 
census  return  of  1890)  by  the  imposition  of  the  exceed- 
ingly small  levy  of  but  five  dollars  on  the  thousand,  or 
fifty  cents  on  the  hundred  of  property  valuation. 

It  may  be,  however,  that  the  cumulative  rate  of  itself 
would  not  equal  that  figure.  It  would  require  an  estate 
of  just  half  a  million  dollars  to  create  a  rate  of  five 
dollars  per  thousand,  and  it  is  evident  that  the  average 
estates  of  the  people  generally  would  not  reach  that 
figure,  notwithstanding  the  vast  excess  of  a  compara- 
tively few.  The  vast  majority  of  the  public  who  would 
be  owners  at  all  would  hold  property  in  amounts  less 
than  $100,000,  so  that  whilst  the  rich  would  be  obliged 
to  pay  from  twenty  to  forty  dollars  per  thousand,  so 
many  people  would  pay  less  than  one  dollar  per  thou- 
sand, that  the  average  might  not  be  five  dollars,  thereby 


148  rpLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

rendering  it  necessary  for  the  government  to  impose  in 
addition  to  the  cumulative  rate  a  special  uniform  levy. 

The  cumulative  rate  would  be  figured  first  by  simply 
dividing  the  property  by  100,000,  or  by  counting  one 
cent  for  every  thousand  of  the  aggregate,  then  to  this 
would  be  added  any  special  rate  that  might  be  fixed. 
Of  course  the  direct  levy  might  never  be  needed,  and  it 
would  be  variable  as  the  wants  of  the  government  would 
require,  but  the  cumulative  rate  would  be  identically  and 
essentially  the  same,  and  would  have  always  to  be 
counted  first.  For  example,  if  an  estate  aggregated 
^100,000,  that  individual's  cumulative  rate  would  be 
only  one  dollar  per  thousand,  whereas  if  an  estate  aggre- 
gated $1,000,000,  his  cumulative  rate  would  be  ten 
dollars  per  thousand  as  against  the  other  man's  one 
dollar  per  thousand. 

When  any  estate  reached  five  million  dollars,  then  the 
rate  cumulative  would  be  fifty  dollars  per  thousand,  or  just 
five  per  cent,  interest,  which  would  make  this  an  unprof- 
itable estate,  at  least  less  so  than  if  it  had  been  three  or 
four  instead  of  five  million  dollars.  There  would  be 
no  evading  the  cumulative  rate  except  to  secrete  the 
property,  and  this  would  be  desired  only  by  the  rich,  and 
they  would  fear  the  severe  but  just  and  proper  penalty. 
It  would  work  like  unto  a  governor  on  an  engine  ;  it 
would  start  her  when  she  was  slow  by  opening  the  throt- 
tle, and  stop  her  when  she  was  fast  by  closing  it.  There 
is  no  property  whatever  that  should  be  made  exempt 
from  the  cumulative  tax,  not  even  government  bonds, 
but  the  government  might,  if  it  chose,  relieve  its  bonds 
from  any  special  levy  that  it  found  necessary  to  impose 
on  other  property;  but  it  should  be  made  an  express  con- 
dition that  all  property  should  be  subject  to  this  cumu- 
lative tax,  without  any  power  anywhere    to    remove    it 


1  IIRONOCKACV     ^  149 

Other  than  by  a  total  abolition  of  the  fundamental  law 
that  created  it.  This  would,  of  course,  be  necessary,  for 
otherwise  some  large  capitalists  would  evade  the  cumu- 
lative rate  by  buying  up  that  class  of  property  that  was 
exempt  ;  hence  none  should  be  exempt.  Municipalities 
might  exempt  their  bonds  from  city  tax,  but  there 
should  exist  nowhere  any  power,  except  by  the  abroga- 
tion of  the  amendment  itself,  to  relieve  any  property  from 
the  cumulative  tax. 

The  very  origin  and  essence  of  the  system  of  regula- 
ting the  extremes  of  society  pre-supposes  its  application 
to  everything,  otherwise  its  utility  would  be  nil.  Of  the 
many  who  have  written  on  the  subject  of  political  econ- 
omy, all  have  given  ideas  more  or  less  valuable,  as  to  the 
best  manner  of  securing  wealth,  both  individual  and 
national,  but  none  as  yet  have  invented  a  feasible  system 
for  equitable  distribution. 

To  give  to  one  man,  or  to  permit  such  conditions  to 
exist  in  society  as  will  enable  one  man,  which  is  the 
same  thing  in  effect,  to  amass  a  fortune  ridiculous  and 
monstrous  in  its  magnitude,  is  not  an  equitable  distribu- 
tion even  to  that  man  as  an  individual.  It  is  not  the  re- 
sult of  his  own  genius,  it  is  not  required  as  a  reward  for 
his  genius  if  it  is  the  result  thereof,  and  hence  is  useless 
and  unnecessary  ;  and,  to  permit  it  to  exist  whilst  our 
eyes  are  confronted  with  an  astonishing  mass  of  human 
wretchedness  and  woe,  it  is  not  surprising  that  some 
have  thought,  as  did  Hobbes,  that  "  hostility  is  the 
natural  bent  of  man,  both  to  things  around  him  and  to 
his  own  kind." 

And  that  others,  as  did  Rousseau,  "  that  the  savage 
life  is  far  preferable  to  the  most  enlightened  civiliza- 
tion"; tliat  it  would  be  better  that  all  should  breathe 
the  foul    air  in  the   gloom   of   a   cave,  than   that  a   few 


150  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

should  luxuriate  in  splendor  in  the  palaces  of  kings  and 
others  in  their  very  shadow  die  of  wretchedness,  squalor, 
and  starvation.  Cicero,  in  substance,  compared  the 
world  to  a  theatre  which  is  common  to  the  public,  and 
yet  the  place  that  any  man  has  taken  is  for  the  time  his 
own.  Assuming,  however,  that  what  a  man  has  is  his 
own,  it  is  proper  that  he  should  control  and  enjoy  that 
(his  own)  to  within  a  reasonable  limit  ;  but  since  every- 
body admits  that  all  men  must,  as  in  a  civilized  state  all 
men  do,  sacrifice  a  modicum  of  their  individual  liberty 
for  the  well-being  of  society,  why  should  they  not  like- 
wise sacrifice  their  unnecessary  accumulations  for  the 
same  beneficent  purpose  ;  and  since  one  man  is  not 
better  able  to  sacrifice  liberty  than  another,  but  is  able 
to  sacrifice  property  better  than  another,  why  should  he 
not  thus  sacrifice  ? 

The  man  or  party  that  seeks  to  completely  eradicate 
poverty  will  find  his  task  abortive  and  impracticable,  if, 
in  fact,  it  is  not  wrong.  "  The  poor  ye  have  always  with 
you,"  means  more  than  it  says.  The  poor  ye  ;//«.r/ have 
always  with  you  is,  or  to  the  extent  that  any  man  has 
ever  been  able  to  prove  to  the  contrary,  as  natural  a  con- 
dition as  to  breathe  air  or  to  drink  water.  Its  rigors,  its 
wretchedness,  and  its  horrors  can  be  and  should  be  miti- 
gated, but  there  is  no  possible  scheme  consistent  with 
man's  right  to  the  fruit  of  his  labor,  by  which  it  can  be 
absolutely  removed.  "  Things  without  remedy  should  be 
without  regard."  "  Why,  therefore,  should  we  fools  of 
nature  thus  shake  our  disposition  with  thoughts  be- 
yond the  reaches  of  our  souls  ? "  Yet  it  is  perhaps  as 
well  that  all  vanities  should  have  their  votaries,  all  fads 
and  phantomnations  their  followers.  Discussion  does 
no  harm,  for  it  only  kills  the  phantomnation  quicker 
than  't  would  die  of  inanition. 


PHRONOCRACV  I5I 

"  The  world  is  still  deceived  with  ornament  ; 
In  law,  what  plea  so  tainted  and  corrupt, 
But,  being  seasoned  with  a  gracious  voice, 
Obscures  the  show  of  evil?     In  religion, 
What  damned  error,  but  some  sober  brow 
Will  bless  it,  and  approve  it  with  a  text, 
Hiding  itsgrossness  with  fair  ornament? 
There  is  no  vice  so  simple,  but  assumes 
Some  mark  of  virtue  on  his  outward  parts. 
How  many  cowards,  whose  hearts  are  all  as  false 
As  stairs  of  sand,  wear  yet  upon  their  chins 
The  beards  of  Hercules,  and  frowning  Mars  ; 
Who,  inward  search'd,  have  livers  white  as  milk  ? 
And  these  assume  but  valours  excrement 
To  render  them  redoubted.      Look  on  beauty 
And  you  shall  see  't  is  purchased  by  the  weight ; 
Which  therein  works  a  miracle  in  nature, 
Making  them  lightest  that  wear  most  of  it. 
Thus  ornament  is  but  a  guilded  shore 
To  a  most  dangerous  sea  ;  the  beauteous  scarf 
Veiling  an  Indian  beauty  :  in  a  word. 
The  seeming  truth  which  cunning  times  put  on 
To  entrap  tlie  wisest." 


Between  the  point  of  greatest  poverty  and  that  of 
greatest  wealth  there  is  a  wide  gulf,  a  great  chasm,  but 
it  can  and  may  be  partially  removed.  No  individual 
should  soar  too  high,  and  none,  if  he  but  exert  himself  to 
an  extent  slightly  beyond  that  required  to  breathe,  can 
sink  too  low,  unless  by  a  combination  of  extraordinarily 
adverse  conditions  he  is  forced  there,  and  if  so,  and  his 
case  is  worthy,  he  is  now  provided  for  in  an  asylum  or  a 
house  for  the  helpless  and  infirm. 

But  to  further  inquire  into  the  practical  results  of  the 
application  of  the  cumulative  tax.  Foreign  investment 
in  America  has  been  very  great,  and  in  many  cases  very 
remunerative.     It  will  be  urged  as  an  objection  to  the 


152  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

system  that  British  gold  would  be  withdrawn,  and  prop- 
erties would  be  thrown  upon  the  market,  and  widespread 
confusion  and  dismay  would  prevail  in  all  branches  of 
business. 

The  Briton,  as  an  individual,  would  stand  the  same 
before  the  law  as  an  American  as  an  individual.  The 
foreign  holders  of  property  of  all  kinds  would  simply 
be  reported  to  the  collector  in  New  York,  who  would  be 
the  only  one  of  the  whole  list  appointed  by  the  Presi- 
dent, and  the  rate  for  their  holdings  would  be  made  up 
in  the  same  manner.  Not  only  would  it  not  in  any  sense 
deter  foreign  investment,  but  it  would  actually  encourage 
the  same  for  the  reason  that  the  administration  of  affairs 
would  be  more  perfect,  greater  security  and  protection 
would  be  assured,  and  the  whole  thing  be  made  more 
satisfactory.  America  can  get  along  without  such  for- 
eign investors  as  this  system  would  hinder,  but  it  would 
hinder  none. 

Even  England  herself  would  doubtless  begin  to  devise 
ways  and  means  looking  to  the  adoption  of  the  same 
system,  but  such  are  the  characteristics  of  her  people, 
such  the  reverence  for  their  ancient  and  honorable  insti- 
tutions, that  even  though  most  of  her  prominent  men 
should  acknowledge  its  justice  and  its  benefits  to  the 
state,  yet  it  would  take  possibly  centuries  to  introduce  it 
though  it  should  have  worked  well  in  America.  There 
would  be  no  difficulty  experienced  in  making  the  assess- 
ments, and  a  list  of  those  who  paid  taxes  would  be 
recorded  on  the  books  of  the  collector,  together  with 
their  address,  which  list  would  be  accessible  to  every- 
body— to  the  commercial  agency  man  in  completing  his 
books,  to  the  merchant  and  tradesman  in  general  in  the 
extension  of  credits  ;  to  all  it  would  be  of  incalculable 
value,  and  all  free  to  the  public.     It  would  be  about  the 


r!ik()\(  icRA(:\'  153 

best  possible  criterion  as  to  a  man's  actual  wealth,  for  the 
reason  that  errors  would  always  be  on  the  safe  side. 
When  the  rate  increases  as  the  property  increases,  there 
is  a  double  force  applied  against  the  tax-paying  citizen, 
who  under  no  circulations  could  afford  to  unduly  mis- 
represent his  holdings.  Furtheri?iore,  everything  that  he 
owned  would  be  found  listed  in  the  place  where  he  lived — 
a  valuable  aid  to  business  men. 

In  making  up  a  list  the  collector,  through  his  subor- 
dinates, would  canvass  the  district,  and  using  the  same 
means  as  are  now  employed  in  regular  assessments,  first 
put  down  all  country  real  estate,  then  city  property,  then 
securities  which,  if  in  corporations  existing  in  his  dis- 
tricts, would  be  reported  by  the  companies,  or  if  remote, 
then  by  the  collector  of  the  district  in  which  they  were 
located,  together  with  any  other  kind  or  class  of  prop- 
erty in  said  district.  The  individual  would  present  his 
list,  and  when  compared  with  that  aggregated  by  the 
collector  through  his  various  avenues  of  information,  if 
all  things  tallied,  the  collector  would  simply  divide  the 
whole  by  one  hundred  thousand,  and  say  to  the  indi- 
vidual :  "  Your  cumulative  rate  for  this  half  year  is  thus 
and  so,  plus  any  special  levy  of,  blank,  dollars  per  thou- 
sand, making  a  total  of,  blank,  dollars  per  thousand, 
which  you  wdl  pay  over  to  the  cashier." 

This  would  be  simplicity  simj)lified,  and  more  and 
better  justice  would  be  done  and  excesses  absolutely 
destroyed.  The  greatest  confusion  would  exist  in  the 
first  application  of  the  system  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
where  the  question  of  excess  would  be  most  frequent. 
Here,  however,  there  would  be  a  number  of  collectors, 
as  many  as  the  city  had  representatives  in  Congress  ;  and 
since  many  corporations,  though  organized  under  the 
laws  of  other  States,  for  convenience  and  profit  main- 


154  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

tained  offices  in  New  York,  they  would  be  obliged  to 
make  returns  in  that  city,  and  ere  long  things  would 
work  smoothly. 

The  corporation  should  designate  some  place  as  its 
principal  office,  and  whether  its  principal  mercantile 
business  was  transacted  there  or  not,  there  would  be  the 
place  where  it  would  make  its  report  to  its  resident  col- 
lector, who,  in  turn,  would  be  obliged  to  make  a  report 
to  the  collector  in  other  districts,  stating  the  names, 
residence,  and  amount  of  any  stock-  or  bondholder  of 
this  company,  whose  office  was  in  his  district. 

It  is  no  argument  against  the  system  to  say  that,  not- 
withstanding its  completeness,  some  property  would  be 
secreted,  more  than  it  would  be  an  argument  against  the 
internal  revenue  system  on  spirituous  and  malt  liquors 
to  say  that  at  times  some  illicit  distillations  are  dis- 
covered ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  the  increasing  feature 
of  the  cumulative  rate  would  compensate  the  govern- 
ment for  any  evasion  that  might  occur,  and  the  individual, 
though  perhaps  in  a  few  cases  successful  in  evading, 
would  nevertheless  be  subjected  to  the  increasing 
rate,  which  has  never  hitherto  been  made  available  as 
an  offset  against  withholding  property  from  assess- 
ment. 

To  all  those  who  say  in  effect,  "  Oh,  they  will  evade  the 
rate  "  ;  "  It  can  be  evaded,"  etc.,  etc.,  it  may  be  answered 
that  if  but  poorly  enforced  it  would  be  better  than  if  not 
done  at  all,  and  even  then  would  be  the  most  just  and 
equitable  and  least  burthensome  tax  on  earth  ;  but  it 
would  be  a  strange  admission  upon  the  part  of  an  Amer- 
ican citizen,  and  a  sad  commentary  on  our  institutions, 
to  say  that  the  whole  force  and  power  of  his  government 
on  the  side  of  law,  and  for  its  rigorous  and  impartial  en- 
forcement in  strict  conformity  with  both  its  spirit  and 


PIIROXOCRACV  155 

letter,  would  not  be  equal  to  the  force  and  power  of  a 
few  rich  individuals  in  their  personal  efforts  to  defy  it. 
Such  forbodings  give  no  concern,  as  of  right  they  should 
not,  for  if  so  then  all  law  is  useless,  a  condition  Ameri- 
cans are  not  prepared  to  admit.  As  stated,  it  cannot  be 
definitely  ascertained  just  the  exact  number  of  estates, 
nor  the  amounts  held  by  each  individual,  nor  can  an  ap- 
proximation be  made  that  any  one  could  guarantee  to  be 
in  any  degree  accurate,  so  that  the  people  who  are  asked 
to  support  the  amendment  can  only  be  assured  that  the 
cumulative  rate  would  not  likely  average  more  than  five 
dollars  on  each  thousand  (possibly  not  that),  and  that 
the  government  might  be  required  to  make  a  special  levy 
to  make  good  a  deficiency.  It  is  almost  certain,  however, 
that  fully  half  of  the  property  of  the  United  States  is  now 
owned  by  people  possessing  estates  that  will  average  two 
million  dollars,  ranging,  say,  from  one  million  to  two 
hundred  millions,  and  since  under  the  cumulative  system, 
after  providing  for  local  taxation,  an  estate  of  over  three 
or  four  million  would  yield  no  revenue  on  a  five  per  cent, 
basis,  and  that  three  million  would  yield  about  the  same 
as  four,  it  is  a  fair  presumption  that  this  maximum  would 
be  the  limit  of  any  individual's  wealth.  Therefore,  if,  as 
this  estimate  indicates,  one  half  the  whole  property  of 
the  country  is  now  owned  by  fifteen  thousand  (15,000) 
individuals,  averaging  two  million  each,  and  if,  as  a  re- 
sult of  the  cumulative  system,  no  individual  could  own 
more  than  four  million  dollars  and  retain  for  himself 
much  net  revenue,  and  if,  furthermore,  as  appears  most 
probable,  the  hundred  millionaires  would  distribute  their 
property  to  their  friends  in  lots  of  certainly  not  more 
than  three  millions  each,  rather  than  have  their  excess 
forfeited  to  the  State,  then  the  said  half  of  all  the  prop- 
erty in  the  country  would  be  divided  into  lots  certainly 


156  I'OIJTICS    AND    I'ROPERTY 

not  exceeding  one  million  on  the  average,  instead  of  two- 
million  average  as  before.  The  whole  assessment  in  1890 
being  nearly  sixty-five  billion,  the  half  would,  in  round 
numbers,  be  at  least  thirty  billion,  which  amount  in  one- 
million-dollar  estates  would  make  the  number  owning 
half,  only  thirty  thousand.  It  is  not  unreasonable  to  say 
that  half  the  property  of  the  country  might  still  be  owned 
by  persons  holding  estates  averaging  one  million,  on 
which  basis  thirty  thousand  people  would  own  half  the 
property  of  the  country,  instead  of  fifteen  thousand  as 
now,  and  they  could  better  afford  to  pay  their  allotment 
of  tax  than  the  vast  popular  throng,  as  numerous  as  they 
would  be,  could  afford  to  pay  theirs.  A  m.illion-dollar 
estate  would  yield  at  five  percent,  the  net  annual  income 
of  fifty  thousand  dollars,  equal  to  the  salary  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States;  it  would  pay  in  taxation  a 
cumulative  rate  of  ten  dollars  per  thousand,  to  which 
add  about  one  per  cent,  or  ten  dollars  per  thousand  more 
for  local  levy  (to  which  minimum  it  can  be  reduced  by 
good  administration  and  the  avoidance  of  secretiveness), 
and  the  total  would  be,  say,  two  per  cent.,  or  twenty 
thousand  dollars  per  year,  which  would  leave  the  owner 
a  net  revenue  of  thirty  thousand  per  year,  enough  for 
any  ordinary  man. 

To  him  who  had  an  estate  of  three  million  dollars,  the 
net  result  would  be  but  very  little  greater.  The  three- 
million  man  would  have  an  income,  at  five  per  cent.,  of 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  per  year,  and  his  rate 
would,  all  told,  be  about  four  per  cent,  (three  cumulative 
and  one  local),  making  an  outgo  of  about  one  hundred 
and  twenty  thousand,  leaving  the  net  result  the  same,  or 
very  little  different.  If  the  estate  should  yield  six  per 
cent.,  the  net  income  would  be  sixty  thousand  dollars 
per  year.     But  to  illustrate  the  respective  burden  on  the 


PHRoXf  >(:i<A(V  157 

people  of  the  cumulative  system,  as  compared  with  the 
present  methods,  we  assume  : 

A  man  whose  estate  is  such  as  to  leave  him  after  pay- 
ing all  taxes  from  ten  to  seventy-five  thousand  dollars 
per  year,  has  enough.  If  his  gross  income  is  fifty  thou- 
sand, he  could  better  afford  to  pay  twenty-five  thousand 
in  taxes  than  the  man  whose  gross  income  is  but  one 
thousand  could  afford  to  pay  one  hundred  in  taxes,  or, 
in  other  words,  the  one  could  pay  fifty  per  cent,  better 
and  easier  than  the  other  could  pay  ten  per  cent.,  just 
because  he  is  that  much  better  able  to  pay  than  the  last- 
named  man. 

Therefore,  if  out  of  the  entire  property  of  the  country 
half  would  still  be  owned  by  thirty  thousand  men,  or 
about  one  four-hundredths  part  of  the  present  voting 
population,  nearly  all  the  burden  would  be  placed  on 
these  few  individuals  who  could  easily  pay  it,  and  yet 
have  much  and  to  spare,  and  scarcely  any  would  be 
placed  on  the  mass  of  the  population,  because  the  rate 
of  the  thirty  thousand,  or  one-million-dollar  estates, 
would  be  ten  dollars  for  the  general  government,  and 
that  of  the  remaining  taxpayers,  whose  estates  would 
scarcely  average  ten  thousand  dollars,  would  be  but  ten 
cents  per  thousand.  The  number  of  individuals  who 
would  pay  the  other  half  cannot  be  exactly  ascertained, 
but  under  the  equitable  method  of  distribution  which  the 
system  would  guarantee  it  is  certainly  a  safe  estimate  to 
say  that  there  would  be  one  hundred  times  as  many  men 
owning  estates  of  one  thousand  and  upward,  averaging, 
say,  ten  thousand  dollars,  as  there  would  be  owning 
estates  averaging  one  million  dollars.  This  would  make 
a  total  tax-paying  population  of  thirty  thousand  individ- 
uals on  the  side  of  one-million-dollar  average  who  would 
pay  nearly  all  the  tax  (because  of  their  higher  rate),  and 


158  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

three  million  on  the  side  of  the  ten-thousand  average 
who  would  pay  very  little  on  account  of  their  lower  rate, 
or  a  total  of  three  million  and  thirty  thousand  tax-paying 
individuals,  which  would  leave  about  two  thirds  the  en- 
tire adult  male  population  of  the  country  without  prop- 
erty, and,  consequently,  not  contributors  nor  voters  at 
all.  Thus  we  have  one  four-hundredth  part  paying 
nearly  all,  and  about  one  third  part  paying  scarcely  any 
tax,  placing  no  burden  whatever  upon  the  non-taxpayer, 
or  on  the  man  who  works  for  hire  at  a  certain  per  diem, 
whilst  under  the  protective  tariff  system  these  conditions 
are  just  about  reversed. 

The  popular  throng  who  labor  by  the  day  must  have 
clothing,  blankets,  knives,  forks,  spoons,  and  house- 
hold furniture,  every  one  of  which  are  necessaries  of 
life,  and  pay  tax  from  forty  to  one  hundred  per  cent, 
ad  valorem,  so  that  estimating  only  the  consumption  of 
the  necessaries  of  life,  that  two  thirds  of  the  population 
which  under  the  cumulative  plan  are  entirely  exepipt 
pay  under  the  the  protective  plan  nearly  all  of  the  total 
tax  ;  or,  in  other  words,  under  the  cumulative  plan  they 
pay  nothing,  and  under  the  protective  plan  they  pay 
annually  about  three  hundred  million  dollars,  and  yet 
that  monstrosity  is  called  "protection  to  labor."  A 
grander  misnomer  than  its  title  was  never  invented  in 
human  nomenclature,  and  a  more  pernicious  and  dam- 
nable heresy  was  never  practised  by  a  nation.  The 
leaders  of  the  Democratic  party  in  America  really  be- 
lieve this  very  assertion  to  be  true,  but  they  are  afraid  to 
say  so,  afraid  to  say  anything  for  many  years,  except 
that  protection  is  a  good  thing,  but  the  country  needed 
less  of  that  good  thing — a  position  both  timorous  and 
ridiculous  and  utterly  indefensible. 

They  are  afraid  even  to  say  in  their  platforms   that 


PHRONOCRACV  1 59 

the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  does  not  authorize, 
nor  ever  intended,  that  any  tax  of  any  kind  should  ever 
be  levied  by  Congress  save  solely  and  exclusively  for 
revenue.  To  admit  that  that  instrument  authorizes  taxes 
for  other  purposes  would  be  to  say  that  the  government 
might  collect  money  from  the  people  for  the  purpose  of 
distributing  it  again  among  the  States  for  the  educa- 
tion of  some  of  the  voting  apes  of  Mississippi  and  South 
Carolina,  a  proposition  to  which  effect  actually  was 
introduced  in  Congress,  and  it  is  said  that  the  proposer 
actually  was  not  tried  at  once  for  lunacy — a  remnant  of 
history  still  more  surprising. 

If,  therefore,  to  the  non-property-holding  class,  of  fully 
two  thirds  the  voting  population,  there  is  a  saving  of 
three  hundred  millions  or  thereabouts  per  annum,  which 
amounts  to  almost  forty  dollars  per  head,  and  that 
nearly  all  that  entire  amount  can,  by  the  cumulative 
tax,  be  collected  from  about  thirty  thousand  million- 
aires and  the  small  remainder  from  three  million  men 
who  would  contribute  only  from  one  to  about  one 
hundred  dollars  per  year,  each  in  proportion  to  his 
ability,  there  remains  no  question  as  to  the  lightness  of 
the  burden  as  compared  with  the  so-called  "  protective/' 
or  other  revenue  systems. 

30,000  estates  averaging  |i, 000,000  equals $30,000,000,000 

rate  $10.00  per  thousand,  equals 300,000,000 

3,000,000  estates  averaging  $10,000  equals 30,000,000,000 

rate  10  cents  per  thousand,  equals 3,000,000 

Total  amount  collected $303,000,000 

It  certainly  cannot  be  denied  that  the  proper  source 
from  which  to  obtain  all  revenue  is  that  which  is  least 
burdensome  to  the  people  and  most  certain  to  the 
government,  and  that  the  cumulative  plan  is  the  least 


l6o  POLITICS    AND    I'ROI'Kk'I'N' 

burdensome  has  certainly  been  shown,  if  in  fact  the 
proposition  needs  any  argument  or  elucidation.  Even 
the  rankest  protectionists  are  obliged  to  admit  that  any 
scheme  that  obtains  revenue  for  the  government  from 
the  excessive  accumulations  of  property  is  the  best 
scheme,  but  they  claim  that  its  operation  would  be  more 
unjust  to  the  few  who  are  rich  than  the  protective  policy 
has  been  to  the  many  who  are  poor.  This  is  about  as 
forcible  as  the  arguments  of  protectionists  in  general 
usually  are,  and  it  is  simply  answered  by  the  statement, 
"  Well,  let  it  be  so  ";  the  masses  in  whose  interest  we  are 
trying  to  legislate  will,  we  hope,  not  severely  complain 
at  this  so-called  discrimination  against  the  rich,  who 
have  been  discriminated  '''for''  since  the  date  of  man's 
first  reign  on  earth,  and  turn  about  is  fair  play.  It  will 
at  first  startle  the  one-  and  two-hundred  millionaires 
when  they  are  brought  into  the  full  realization  of  the 
fact  that  they  can  no  longer  safely  hold  more  than  four 
or  five  millions  of  property.  "  My  !  "  some  will  say,  "  it 
costs  us  from  one  to  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  per 
year  to  live."  "  Well,"  it  is  answered,  "  if  you  continue  at 
that  rate  it  won't  be  many  years  before  four  or  five  mil- 
lions will  appear  to  you  as  large  a  sum  as  it  now  appears 
small.  Still  you  can  consume  a  million  a  year  in  living 
expenses  if  you  desire.  So  much  the  better  for  the 
butcher,  the  baker,  and  the  candlestick-maker."  If 
there  never  had  been  a  man  worth  over  three  or  four 
million  dollars  and  never  had  existed  such  monstrous 
individual  estates,  nevertheless  the  cumulative  plan 
would  still  be  justifiable  and  the  best  possible  system  of 
taxation,  even  though  it  accomplished  nothing  more 
than  collecting  revenue  for  the  support  of  government 
from  the  man  who  is  best  able  to  pay  it,  rather  than  from 
him  who  is  least  able  to  pay,  as  is  the  practical  effect  of 


FHRONOCRACV  l6l 

all  Other  systems  ;  but  accomplishing  both  and  in  a 
manner  (through  the  corporation)  that  still  gives  to 
civilization  full  opportunity  to  progress,  there  is  no 
question  as  to  its  justness.  The  reasoning  class  has 
reached  the  conclusion  that  there  can  be  no  equal  dis- 
tribution of  property  ;  that  such,  figure  it  as  you  may, 
is  not  the  natural  condition  of  things  and  cannot  be 
caused  to  exist  by  legislation,  but  present  conditions  can  be 
improved. 

The  property  of  America,  in  1890,  being  about  $1,000 
per  head,  if  distributed  would  have  given  each  man, 
woman,  and  child  that  amount  of  money,  which  would 
doubtless  have  resulted  in  one  grand  drunken  revel  for 
about  ten  days  upon  the  part  of  about  two  thirds  the 
population,  at  the  end  of  which  time  the  other  third 
would  have  possessed  it  all,  and  ere  long  individuals  of 
that  third  by  energy,  tact,  shrewdness,  and  good  luck — 
the  latter  no  inconsiderable  factor  in  the  game — would 
have  grown  richer  and  richer  and  the  other  poorer  and 
poorer  till  practically  the  same  condition  would  exist  as 
that  which  the  division  sought  to  remedy.  Not  only  by 
reason  of  the  full  appreciation  of  the  truth  of  the  state- 
ment, that  in  practice  an  equal  division  could  not  be,  is 
the  idea  abandoned,  but  also  from  a  more  or  at  least 
equally  cogent  one,  to  wit  :  that  if  it  could  //  should  not 
be,  because  there  must  exist  gradations  in  society.  Men 
are  not  all  alike  :  some  will  work  harder  and  save  more, 
and  these  are  entitled  to  what  they  possess  to  a  reason- 
able degree  ;  others  will  do  less  work  and  save  less,  and 
those  must  bide  the  results  to  a  reasonable  degree.  That 
reasonable  degree  with  the  former  is  a  just  compensation, 
which  three  or  four  million  is  considered  to  be  ;  with  the 
latter,  the  pangs  of  poverty,  till,  by  reason  of  his  utter 
dependence,  the  state  sends  him  to  the  poorhouse,  and 


l62  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

how  can  it  be  avoided  whilst  the  earth  turns  as  it  now  turns, 
or  rather  while  we  are  what  we  are  ? 

Even  if  men  were  absolutely  equal,  there  are  ten 
thousand  occurrences  in  life  that  will  put  some  behind 
in  the  race  with  their  fellows  ;  for  example,  he  might  break 
a  leg  or  lose  both  eyes,  and  leaving  the  nine  thousand 
nine  hundred  and  ninety-eight  to  be  imagined,  we  pro- 
ceed to  say  what  has  never  yet  been  thoroughly  appreci- 
ated. 

By  reasoti  of  these  inequalities  (whether  they  be  natural 
or  forced  by  circumstances,  they  exist)  laws  should  be  tnade 
which  bear  unequally — though  not  twfustly, — a?id  such  a 
law  is  ^^  cumulative  taxation"  or  rather  ^^  the  conserva- 
tive ajfiendment,"  and  the  method  of  its  adoption  is 
clear,  plain,  and  simple,  and  is  in  strict  accordance 
with  the  terms  set  forth  in  the  American  Federal  Con- 
stitution. ^ 

Applying  itself  as  it  would  most  severely  on  the  accu- 
mulations of  capital,  and  least  severely,  in  fact  almost 
inappreciably,  to  the  possessors  of  average  estates,  and 
wholly  exempting  those  having  no  estates  at  all,  it 
would  certainly  be  the  least  burdensome  of  any  system 
yet  devised.  Those  favoring  a  taxation  for  protection 
could  in  this  plan  find  such  as  would  be  genuine  and 
real,  but  protecting  the  masses  and  not  the  classes,  the 
poor  and  not  the  rich. 

It  maybe  urged  as  an  objection  that  corporations  could 
diminish  their  dividends,  hence  depreciate  their  stock,  by 
paying  unreasonably  high  salaries  to  parties  in  interest. 
To  this  it  may  be  replied  that  they  could  not  afford  to 
pay  to  many  over  $5,000  per  year,  which  would  be  a 
fair  distribution;  but  those  who,  in  any  avocation,  receive 
over  $5,000  can  be  subjected  to  taxation  the  same  as 
if  they  acquired  their  income  from  property  ;  that  is,  a 


I'[IRux()(;ka(\  163 

man  getting  $50,000  per  year  could  be  obliged  to 
pay  $10,000,  which  would  be  the  cumulative  levy  on 
one  million,  on  which  $50,000  is  the  income.  Those 
receiving  salaries  high  enough  to  be  worthy  of  notice 
could  easily  be  ascertained  by  the  assessor,  hence  this 
objection  is  not  vital.  If  60,000  instead  of  30,000  people 
should  own  half  the  property  of  the  country,  their  estates 
would  average  half  a  million  dollars  each,  and  their 
cumulative  rate  would  be  $5  per  thousand,  which  would 
produce  a  revenue  of  $150,000,000  or  half  the  amount 
required  for  the  support  of  the  government,  the 
other  half  coming  from  ])erhaps  4,000,000  people  in 
small  amounts,  leaving  all  others  free.  Why  should 
such  a  system  be  opposed  on  account  of  "  inquisitorial 
scrutiny."  Let  estates  be  scrutinized  and  taxed,  other- 
wise let  them  be  7iot  lawfully  possessed. 
# 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

How  it  may  be  accomplished — Hundred  millionaires  fatal  to  small 
investors — But  great  corporations,  if  owned  by  many,  cause  no 
harm — Great  concentration  of  wealth  necessary  to  promote  enter- 
prise— Power  of  Congress  to  impose  the  cumulative  tax — No  great 
difference  between  existing  parties  affecting  fundamental  princi- 
ples involved — North  Western  Granger  States  and  the  solid  South 
should  join  hands — Will  settle  the  negro  question  in  the  South 
— Cumulative  tax  will  lighten  the  burden  on  the  South  and 
West,  and  qualified  suffrage  will  increase  their  proportionate 
vote  and  power — Will  decrease  country  vote  less  than  city  vote — 
Granger  States  begin  to  see  the  folly  of  protection  and  value  of 
Cumulative  Taxation  and  Qualified  Suffrage — Over  four  million 
farm  owners  in  i8go,  three  fourths  of  whom  will  support  the  propo- 
sition— This  added  to  conservative  city  vote  is  sufficient  for  suc- 
cess— States  that  first  may  support  it — Others  that  may  follow. 

As  has  been  said,  the  principal  opposition  to  the  creed 
represented  by  "  Phronocracy"  will  not  be  found  to  exis* 
among  the  hundred  millionaires,  who,  even  if  so,  are 
comparatively  few,  and  the  force  of  their  money  will  aid 
but  little  the  prolongation  of  existing  conditions  for  the 
reason  that  measures  of  a  direct  and  tangible  bearing 
would  be  before  the  people,  and  they  will  be  urged  and 
supported  by  citizens  above  the  slums  of  political  prosti- 
tution and  vice — such  as  are  approachable  only  by  appeals 
to  their  inherent  manhood  and  honesty,  and  whose  devo- 
tion to  the  cause  will  be  so  sincere  that  it  cannot  be 
shaken  by  the  tempting  entreaties  of  glittering  gold.  Of 
course  there  will  be  very  many  who  will  say,  "  Oh,  yes, 
it  is  a  good  thing,  but  it  cant  be  do?ie."  Then  nothing 
can  be  done,  for  nothing  else  should  be  done.     Society 

164 


PlIRONOCRACY  165 

needs  a  regulator  and  that  is  all  it  needs.  But  it  can  be 
dofie.  All  property  is  sufficiently  known  to  properly 
distribute  dividends,  why  not  to  properly  apply  taxation! 
The  question  is  should  it  be  done?  If  conservative  citi- 
zens say  aye — 't  is  done. 

Really,  the  apparent  difficulty  of  bringing  it  actually  to 
be  is  about  the  only  argument  against  it  that  cannot  be 
answered  without  the  least  possible  difficulty.  No  man 
can  urge  for  an  instant  that  a  more  general  distribution 
of  wealth  would  not  be  of  benefit  to  society,  if  for  no 
other  reason  than  that  it  would  rob  individuals  who  had 
amassed  their  fortunes  by  the  increments  of  society  of 
a  vast  and  dangerous  power  for  evil  against  society.  A 
few  men  possessing  all  the  world's  wealth  with  the  means 
at  hand  to  use  it,  as  is  always  the  case  in  any  law-abiding 
community,  could  be  as  productive  of  commercial  harm 
as  the  anarchists,  who  could  with  torch  and  axe  make 
wild  sport  of  society's  richest  thrones. 

No  one  doubts  that  if  the  anarchist  had  all  power  he 
could,  for  a  time  at  least,  that  is,  as  long  as  his  power 
lasted,  create  havoc  in  any  systems  of  social  order  ;  so 
likewise  is  it  within  the  power  of  a  man,  who  has  by  the 
increments  of  society  grown  inordinately  rich,  to  create 
anarchistic  havoc  in  the  commercial  world.  He  can  not 
only  corrupt  legislation  and  judges,  but  such  is  the  force 
of  his  momentum  and  wealth  that  he  can  crush  out  honest 
opposition,  and  if  by  force  he  can  crush  out  opposition 
he  could  undoubtedly  cause  to  exist  in  the  field  of  his 
conquests,  or  among  the  people  of  whom  he  was  in  this 
respect  supreme  lord,  a  condition  more  oppressive  to 
their  interests,  more  in  conflict  with  their  inalienable 
rights  to  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  than  that  which  ever 
could  exist  in  a  state  of  healthy  competition,  or  in  enter- 
prises naturally  competitive.    All  business  is  being  rapidly 


1 66  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

concentrated  into  large  trusts  and  syndicates  and  from 
causes  perfectly  in  consonance  with  existing  conditions. 
Increased  wealth,  as  has  been  stated,  renders  possible 
the  acquirement  of  increased  facility,  and  increased 
facility  greatly  cheapens  production,  and  increased 
cheapness  in  production  results  inevitably  in  one  of  two 
things  (usually  one  of  them);  viz.,  that  the  price  of  the 
commodity  is  cheaper  (seldom  the  case),  or  that  the 
profits  to  the  producers  are  larger  (nearly  always  the 
case).  These  combinations  are  not  made  for  the  love  of 
the  people  nor  in  order  that  the  increased  facility  and 
cheapness  in  production  that  they  guarantee  will  lessen 
the  people's  price,  but  always  either  to  advance  that 
price  or  make  available  the  increased  profit  that  will 
result  in  the  maintenance  of  same,  which  can  be  done 
when,  by  reason  of  combination,  the  small  competitor  has 
been  shut  out.  The  greatest  political  heads  of  the  day 
recognize  this  evil  and  seek  to  avert  it  by  prohibitive 
legislation.  Bills  are  introduced  into  the  United  States 
Senate  looking  to  the  abrogation  of  trusts  or  declaring 
their  formation  illegal,  thus  acknowledging  a  wrong  state 
or  condition  of  affairs  somewhere  ;  but  these  acts  fail  to 
act.  To  say  virtually  that  men  cannot  enter  into  partner- 
ships (which  virtually  trusts  are,  and  can  casually  be 
formed  in  the  face  of  all  law,  on  this  pretext)  is  in  fact 
an  interference  with  personal  rights,  which,  if  thoroughly 
tested,  it  is  very  questionable  if  Congress  or  any  other 
legislative  body  can  do.  Furthermore,  notwithstanding 
the  universally  recognized  evil  consequent  upon  this 
concentration  or  centralization,  there  is  yet  a  view  that 
can  be  taken  of  it,  which  not  only  does  not  present  the 
appearance  of  evil,  but  of  actual  benefit  and  good,  to 
wit :  where  concentration  aids  excellence  and  efficiency 
in  output,  and  yet  maintains  the  price  or  lessens  it,  as 


rilRONOCRACY  1 6/ 

has  been  done  in  a  way  that  cannot  otherwise  be  secured. 
No  man  can  deny  that  the  large  wagon  factories  of 
America  (some  of  which  have  grown  so  enormous  that 
they  can  i)roduce  several  hundred  complete  vehicles  in  a 
day)  can  produce  and  sell  a  better  wagon  for  the  same 
money  than  could  possibly  hitherto  have  been  bought 
from  the  country  cross-road  wagon-maker  and  black- 
smith,— all  consequent  upon  wealth,  and  the  increased 
facility  that  it  insures.  This  of  course  effectually  ruins  the 
cross-road  wagon-maker  save  for  little  odd  jobs  of  repair. 
Then,  again,  there  are  many  enterprises  that  cannot 
be  carried  out  save  by  great  concentrated  capital.  For 
example,  if  in  America  no  bridge-building  establishment 
had  acquired  the  ability  and  facility  to  construct  a  bridge 
like  that  spanning  the  Firth  of  Forth  in  Scotland  either 
as  to  magnitude  or  in  a  reasonable  time,  what  reason 
would  there  be  in  saying  that  four  or  five  of  the  largest 
establishments  could  not  at  once  combine  together  and 
be  thus  enabled  to  accomplish  the  same  both  in  the  magni- 
tude of  the  trusses  and  other  parts  required  and  within 
a  reasonable  time  ?  In  this  would  simply  have  resulted 
in  a  short  time  the  establishment  of  a  single  bridge- 
building  company,  into  which  any  one  might  have  grown 
in  a  long  time,  and  why  seek  to  delay  progress  in  that 
way?  Why  say  men  shall  not  go  into  partnership  when 
by  so  doing  they  may  not  only  increase  facility,  but 
accomplish  works  perhaps  otherwise  impossible,  or  at 
least  otherwise  long  delayed.  The  plan  to  pursue  is 
(after  everything  has  been  tried)  that  of  permitting 
corporate  enterprise  to  grow  and  expand  to  any  limit, 
but  to  see  that  one  individual  can  not  get  it  all.  Well, 
we  will  look  for  a  time  into  the  manner  of  its  doing  ;  that 
is,  how  the  scheme  could  be  made  law, — how  the  amend- 
ment authorizing  it  could  be  carried. 


l68  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

Whilst  it  is  thought  proper  to  support  an  amendment 
to  the  Constitution  distinctly  authorizing  such  a  tax  to 
be  levied,  and  voting  qualification  to  be  made,  this  step 
is  taken  directly  in  the  face  of  much  good  advice  as  to 
the  lack  of  necessity  for  anything,  other  or  more  than 
a  majority  in  both  houses  of  Congress  and  the  Presi- 
dent's consent  ;  still,  to  avoid  the  possibility  of  subse- 
quent litigation,  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  effect  oi 
its  adoption  would  be  so  universal  and  widespread,  it  is 
thought  best  to  begin  the  foundation  of  the  edifice  on 
the  rocks  beneath,  and  then  its  stability  would  be  as- 
sured. 

Many  hold  that  Congress  has  the  right  to  collect 
revenue  for  its  support  and  from  any  source  whatever, 
and  that  a  levy  per  thousand  of  the  one  hundred  thou- 
sandth part  of  every  man's  estate  does  not  lack  uni- 
formity; that  it  applies  to  all  alike  and,  if  not  lacking 
in  uniformity,  there  can  be  no  possible  ground  for 
urging  against  it  the  objection  of  unconstitutionality. 

Others  claim,  too,  and  forcibly,  that  it  is  time  to  look 
into  the  passage  of  an  amendment  granting  explicit 
power  when  the  right  of  levy  and  collection  has  been 
questioned  and  the  case  taken  to  the  Supreme  Court, 
and  that  pending  any  decision  of  that  august  body  the 
working  effects  of  the  system  might  to  a  certain  degree 
be  tested,  and  if  impracticable  or  baneful  it  could  be 
abolished,  and  if  not  unconstitutional  no  amendment 
would  be  necessary,  and  that  the  entire  test  both  as  to 
its  practical  application  and  constitutionality  could  be 
made  in  half  the  time  required  to  adopt  the  amendment, 
if,  in  fact,  the  sanction  of  the  requisite  number  of  State 
legislators  and  delegates  of  States  in  Congress  ever  can 
be  secured. 

These  views  arc  weighty  and  (^f  much  effect  ;    how- 


PHRONOCRACV  1 69 

ever,  conservatism  is  the  thing,  and  it  is  thought  best  to 
put  forward  the  proposition  for  an  amendment  first,  for 
in  this  way  the  popular  pulse  can  be  felt  and  its  temper 
sounded  ;  it  can  be  explained  and  discussed,  and  the 
people  can  become  familiar  with  its  provisions  and 
revolve  in  their  minds  questions  as  to  its  probable  effect. 

There  exists  in  the  American  Union,  when  all  territo- 
ries of  the  right  political  complexion — that  is,  all  in  which 
the  population  (whether  sparse  or  great)  are  supposed  to 
favor  protection  and  the  duty  on  wool  and  some  other 
articles — had  been  admitted,  and  all,  whether  their  popu- 
lations are  great  or  sparse,  of  the  wrong  political  com- 
plexion— that  is,  such  as  are  supposed  to  favor  free  wool 
and  a  little  less  duty  on  the  other  articles, — had  been 
refused  d,^xi\\i\.2MCt^  just  forty-four  sovereign  States.  The 
great  Republican  organization  has  stood  for  wool  duty- 
and  high  rates  on  other  articles,  and  the  great  Demo- 
cratic organization  (whose  leaders  are  for  free  trade  in 
principle  and  also  in  practice  at  the  soonest  possible 
day,  and  believe  in  a  direct  aim  at  the  game,  but  are 
afraid  to  say  so)  has  stood  for  free  wool  and  a  little  less 
duty  on  other  articles,  and  this,  in  fact,  has  been  about 
the  only  difference  between  the  parties,  and  words  and 
phrases  have  been  marshalled  in  every  way  to  convince 
the  country  that  much  or  a  little  less  protection  is  just 
the  thing,  according  as  the  orator  is  a  Republican  or  a 
Democrat. 

The  whole  tariff  bill,  or  all  the  tariff  bills  that  have 
been  prepared,  and  all  the  speeches  pro  and  con  on  each 
side  might  have  been  tossed  up  in  the  air,  and  a  sword 
in  the  hands  of  an  expert  prestidigitator  thrust  through 
any  one  of  the  flying  documents,  and  that  one  might 
have  been  passed  with  about  the  same  average  harm  (not 
good,  for  they  were  all  protective)  to  the  country  as  that 


I/O  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

proposed  by  the  able  chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means 
Committee  of  the  then  dominant  party  in  Congress. 

However,  there  were,  say,  in  1890,  forty-four  sovereign 
States  in  the  American  Union,  and  others  to  follow  when 
their  politics,  not  their  populations,  are  right.  To  pass 
an  amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitution,  it  would 
require  the  sanction  of  the  legislatures  of  thirty-three  of 
these  sovereign  States,  or,  say,  of  all  but  of  eleven,  and 
of  two  thirds  of  their  delegations  in  Congress,  or  thirty 
delegations. 

This  appears  to  be  quite  a  formidable  array,  and 
rather  tends  to  encourage  the  adoption  of  the  plan  that 
aims  at  the  passage  of  a  bill  in  Congress  in  the  usual 
way,  and  leaving  the  matter,  if  contested,  to  the  deter- 
mination, as  to  constitutionality,  to  the  Federal  Supreme 
Court,  meanwhile  giving  opportunity  for  a  practical  test 
as  to  the  desirableness  and  efficacy  of  the  measure. 

There  is  an  old  adage  that  "  politics  makes  strange 
bedfellows,"  and  so  it  may  appear  in  this  desired 
reformation. 

Hitherto  the  so-called  Granger  States  have  steadfastly 
supported  the  protectionist  party,  more  by  reason  of 
prejudice  and  of  recollection  of  the  bloody  days  of  the 
early  sixties  than  from  motives  of  self-interest  or  prin- 
ciple, and  these,  together  with  the  manufacturing  States 
of  New  England  and  the  East,  have  been  the  unfaltering 
supporters  of  the  Republican  organization. 

The  Democratic  or  the  would-be-if-it-dared  to-be 
free-trade  party  has  for  years  possessed  no  possible 
chance  for  political  ascendancy  save  from  the  solid  South 
(made  so  partly  by  reason  of  recollections  of  the  war, 
but  mainly  so  by  the  universal  hostility  of  the  whites 
to  the  domination  of  the  blacks — the  former  owning 
practically  all  the  property  and  the  latter  owning  noth- 


I'HRONOCRACV  I /I 

ing),  together  with  the  city  of  New  York,  which  fre- 
quently controlled  the  electoral  votes  of  the  State  of  New 
York  and  one  or  two  States  adjoining.  It  has  been  a  con- 
stant source  of  vexation  to  the  great  Granger  States 
of  the  North  and  West  that  the  solid  South,  against 
which  they  cherished  the  lingering  animosities  incident 
to  the  war,  should  be  able,  with  the  foreign  population  of 
the  city  of  New  York,  to  occasionally  control  presiden- 
tial elections.  The  senile  and  relentless  press  of  the 
North,  ever  seeking  to  perpetuate  these  lingering  ani- 
mosities and  to  fan  into  flame  the  smouldering  embers 
of  sectional  hate,  is  constantly  heralding  to  the  peo- 
ple the  false  assertion  that  the  South  is  solid  because 
it  wishes  to  secure  possession  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, and  when  so  possessed  it  would  strike  every  vestige 
of  war  legislation  from  the  statute  book,  re-enslave  the 
negro,  or  compensate  the  former  master  to  the  extent  of 
untold  millions,  also  pay  Confederate  war  claims,  and 
pension  Confederate  soldiers  ;  in  a  word,  bankrupt  the 
nation,  if  such  a  thing  was  possible,  to  reinstate  that  con- 
dition of  affairs  which  they  had  suppressed  by  the  loss  of 
blood  and  treasure  in  the  ghastly  throes  of  civil  war. 
Not  once  is  it  admitted  that  the  South,  though  of 
course  keenly  mindful  of  the  loss  of  property  and  life, 
has  accepted  the  inevitable  and  by  every  word  and  act 
has  signified  its  inflexible  purpose  to  stand  by  the  nation 
in  its  entirety,  and  whilst  they  have  no  tears  to  shed  ex- 
cept over  the  graves  of  departed  comrades,  and  no 
apologies  to  offer  for  having  engaged  in  what  they  con- 
sidered an  honorable  and  justifiable  endeavor  to  procure 
their  rights  under  the  terms  of  the  then  existing  Consti- 
tution, these  States  are  now  a  part  and  parcel  of  a  great 
nation  and  seek  not  to  mar  its  glory  by  internecine  strife 
or  revolutionary  legislation  ;  but  they  can  not  and  ivill 


172  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

not  submit  to  negro  domination  ;  they  will  not  consent  to 
be  governed  by  their  former  slaves.  The  general  govern- 
ment may  usurp  all  constitutional  authority  and  trans- 
cend the  rightful  limitation  of  its  delegated  power  by 
passing  laws  providing  for  supervisors  of  elections, 
force  bills,  backed  by  bayonets  at  the  polls, — and  yet, 
and  notwithstanding  all  these  and  more,  for  the  protec- 
tion of  their  lives,  their  wives,  their  children,  and  their 
property,  they  will  never  fail  to  exercise  the  most  strenu- 
ous lawful  effort  and  persistent  ceaseless  vigil  against  all 
federal  interference  of  any  kind  whatsoever  in  any  form 
suggested,  before  they  will  ever  yield  control  to  the 
negroes,  whose  enfranchisement  in  their  candid  opinion 
was  a  travesty  on  free  institutions,  a  blight  on  the 
national  escutcheon,  and  a  grim  blot  which,  like  the 
blood-stained  hands  of  guilty  Macbeth,  all  ocean's 
waters  can  never  wash  out.  In  this  sentiment  many 
northern  people  concur  and  hope  to  see  the  condition 
altered.  Hence  the  Granger  States  and  the  South,  which 
by  motives  of  natural  interest  should  have  been  together, 
have  been  kept  widely  apart. 

Each  section  is  to  a  great  extent  agricultural,  and  natu- 
rally each  should  have  been,  as  the  South  always  was, 
hostile  to  legislation  which  protected  the  manufacturers 
of  the  East  and  enabled  them  to  monopolize  the  markets, 
whilst  their  own  products  for  sale  were  placed  in  direct 
competition  with  those  of  the  civilized  world,  a  condition 
to  which  they  would  not  object,  provided  they  were 
likewise  permitted  to  buy  in  the  competitive  markets 
of  the  civilized  world,  which  they  are  not.  In  these 
respects,  which  are  the  only  living  issues  in  politics,  the 
South  and  the  Granger  States  are  about  equally  condi- 
tioned and  why  should  they  not  act  in  concord  and  har- 
mony ?     Because  and  only  because  of  war  prejudices.    It 


I'lIKOXOCRACY  173 

requires  some  stronger  incentive  than  that  which  has 
hitherto  existed  to  overcome  it,  and  in  the  proposition 
of  the  proposed  amendment  that  incentive  is  found. 
That  proposition  covers  essentially,  what  ? 

I  St.  Free  trade  as  soon  as  it  can  be  "conservatively  " 
applied,  looking  only  to  the  avoidance  of  revolutionary 
changes.  To  this  the  sentiment  of  the  people  of  most 
of  the  Southern  States  have  always  been  friendly,  and  to 
it  all  candid  and  unprejudiced  minds  admit  that  the 
Granger  States  should  be  friendly. 

2d.  It  proposes  that  excessive  individual  accumulation 
shall  be  curtailed  and  that  the  revenue  for  the  support 
of  the  government  shall,  in  the  main,  come  from  that 
source. 

To  this  proposition  the  South  is  disposed  to  be  friendly, 
recognizing,  as  it  does,  first,  that  the  plan  is  just,  practi- 
cal, and  secure,  and,  secondly, — and  by  greater  reason, — 
self-interest  consequent  upon  the  fact  that  most  of  the 
excessive  individual  accumulations  are  in  New  England 
and  the  East  where  protection  has  worked  its  natural 
results,  and  that  naturally  the  burden  would  fall  heaviest 
there.  In  this  there  would  likewise  be  great  relief  for 
the  Granger  States  of  the  West,  and  great  sympathy 
should  exist  for  the  system  occasioned  by  the  same 
identical  reasons  that  operate  so  extensively  in  the 
South. 

3d.  For  the  greater  reason.  The  proposition  involves 
the  curtailment  of  suffrage  by  establishing  conditions,  to 
the  effect  that  a  man  shall  both  know  something  and 
own  something  before  he  shall  vote.  This  would  strike 
the  entire  South  like  a  fall  of  bliss  from  heaven,  because  it 
would  inevitably  disfranchise  about  ninety-nine  per  cent, 
of  the  negro  vote  of  their  section  and  leave  uninterrupted 
control  to  the  whites  or  property-holding  element  of  the 


174  I'OLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

population.  The  paupers  of  the  South  are  blacks,  and 
whilst  the  representation  of  this  section  of  the  Union 
has  been  increased  by  some  fifty  votes  in  Congress  and 
in  the  electoral  college  by  the  enfranchisement  of  the 
slaves,  ajid  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  their  votes  are 
in  one  way  or  another  suppressed  (as  a  matter  of  per- 
sonal interest  and  self-preservation)  so  that  they  count 
but  little  in  the  control  of  affairs,  nevertheless  the 
South  is  not  only  willing  but  anxious  to  accept  some 
proposition  that  will,  deprive  the  negro  of  the  right  of 
suffrage, — to  which  he  was  never  entitled  and  of  which 
he  was  never  worthy, — especially  if  that  proposition 
looks  to  the  disfranchisement  of  an  equally  irrespon- 
sible and  unworthy  class  of  foreign  paupers  and  igno- 
ramuses in  the  North,  which  would  leave  the  relative 
condition  as  to  representation  in  the  respective  sections 
practically  unchanged.  The  North  has  for  years  been 
troubled  about  the  negro  question.  Orators  harangue 
the  multitudes  about  suppression  and  violence  in  the 
South  ;  they  say  :  "  We  freed  the  slave  and  amnested  him, 
and  thought  by  so  doing  that  our  political  party  would 
reap  the  benefit  of  his  suffrage,  as  we  should  do  ;  but  lo 
and  behold,  we  are  disappointed,  we  are  betrayed.  We 
have  given  to  the  South  many  additional  votes  in  our 
national  legislature  and  our  electoral  college,  and  these 
votes  are  counted  against,  not  for,  our  candidates,  there- 
by, instead  of  assuring  us  in  political  ascendancy  indefi- 
nitely, it  has  been  made  possible  for  the  South,  aided  by 
the  foreign  population  of  the  city  of  New  York,  to 
control  the  national  government,  which  was  not  con- 
templated by  our  leaders  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of 
the  Fifteenth  Amendment,  and  had  we  but  vaguely 
imagined  that  such  a  result  was  possible,  we  would 
never  have  declared  that  amendment  passed,  but  would 


PHRONOCRACV  I75 

have  vigorously  opposed  it.  We  would  never  have 
strained  our  minds  and  our  conscience  to  declare  that 
the  requisite  number  of  States  had  adopted  it,  when  there 
existed  quite  a  question  whether  or  not  some  that  were 
included  to  make  up  the  complement  were  actually 
members  of  the  Union  at  the  time  they  were  counted. 
We  did  all  these  things  as  matters  of  war  necessity,  and 
to  insure  party  ascendancy,  and  now  our  wayward  birds 
have  come  home  to  roost  and  we  know  not  how  to  house 
them  ;  or,  rather,  by  reason  of  the  ignorance  and  utter 
bestiality  of  the  negro,  he  can  be  led  with  a  halter,  terri- 
fied by  a  threat,  or  controlled  by  false  glamour  and 
counted  against  his  benefactors.     What  can  we  do  ? 

"The  only  means  out  of  our  dilemma  is  to  send  sol- 
diers or  supervisors  of  election  to  preserve  the  peace  at 
the  polls,  and  this  is  offensive  to  our  Northern  brethren. 
We  cannot  make  a  law  authorizing  said  governmental 
interference  applicable  to  one  State  and  not  to  another — 
if  to  any  it  must  be  to  all  ;  and  then  there  might 
appear  to  be  nothing  but  profound  peace  at  the  polls. 
The  white  people  of  the  South  may  tell  the  ignorant 
negro  that  he  must  stay  at  home  on  a  certain  day,  and 
the  negro  will  seldom  know  until  some  weeks  afterwards, 
if  ever,  that  on  the  said  day  there  had  been  an  election, 
and  thus  by  similar  devices  his  vote  can  be  suppressed 
and  the  objects  of  it  frustrated." 

Consequently,  many  of  the  Northern  States,  for  the 
purpose  of  settling  the  negro  question  only  (it  appearing 
to  be  of  impossible  practical  settlement  otherwise),  are 
disposed  to  favor  their  disfranchisement  ;  but  this  could 
not  be  done  except  by  the  establishment  of  some  uniform 
law  or  condition  that  would  apply  to  all,  regardless  of 
race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude.  In  the 
North  it  is  mure  than  ordinarily  desirable  to  prevent  the 


1/6  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

Utilization  of  increased  Southern  representation,  on  ac- 
count   of    the    negro,    against    the    aims,    objects,    and 
purposes  of  the  party  that  freed  him,  but  how  can  it  be 
done  unless  he  is  disfranchised,  and  how  could  he   be 
disfranchised  unless  by  some  general  plan  applicable  to 
'ill  the  States  ?     And  his  vote  in  the  North  has  been  useful. 
The  Granger  population  of  all  the  States  have  also  been 
Very  restive  under  the  increasing  power,  representation, 
*nd    control  of  the   urban  population,    which  in   many 
>f  the  States  is  increasing  by  reason  of  the  discriminating 
nfluences  of  the   protective  system  in  favor  of  factories 
md  against  the  farms,  until  it  has  drawn  from  the  coun- 
try into  the  cities  much  of  the  previous  population.     It 
«  plain  to  all  that   the  curtailment  of  suffrage  as  pro- 
posed   would    doubtless  disfranchise   many   men  in  an 
jvercrowded  city,  where  it  would  one  man  in  the  rural 
districts,  and  especially  is  this  true  in  the  Granger  States 
of  the  North  and  West,  where  the  rural  population    is 
made  up  principally  of  owners  of  small  tracts  of  land 
sufficient  for  purposes  of  eligibility.     Even  in  New  York, 
a  State  where  many  of  the  people  reside  in  cities  of  a 
population  of  100,000  and  over,  the  farmers  (being  pro- 
tectionists by  recollection  of  war  traditions  and  prejudice) 
could  almost  always  secure   a   majority   in  their   State 
Legislature,  and    of   their  delegation  in  Congress,  and 
their  United  States  Senators,  but  seldom  the  governors 
of  their  State,  because  in  State  elections  the  slums  of  the 
city  counted  as  effectually  as  the  counties  in  the  country, 
and  in  many  cases  more  numerously. 

It  is  plain  that  if  in  the  entire  State  of  New  York  there 
are  one  million  votes,  and  that  if  half  were  urban  and 
half  rural,  any  law  that  disfranchised  even  five  urban 
where  it  effected  one  rural,  the  ruralists  would  certainly 
control  in  everything.    For  example,  if  out  of  500,000  city 


PHRONOCRACV  1  // 

votes  four  fifths  were  disfranchised  (and  there  are  almost 
this  ratio  of  irresponsibles  to  honest  men),  there  would 
remain  but  100,000  urban  votes  ;  and  if  in  the  rural 
districts  there  were  disfranchised  even  half,  or  even 
as  many  as  two  to  five  city  \  otes,  instead  of  one  to  five  as 
appears  most  reasonable,  then  there  would  yet  remain 
250,000  rural  votes,  or  a  large  and  substantial  majority. 
The  city  of  New  York  need  have  no  fear  in  this  result 
from  increased  "  hay-seed  "  legislation,  for  the  reason 
that  a  property-holding  "  hay-seed  "  legislator  will,  when 
legislating  with  a  property-holding  city  legislator,  enact 
laws  more  in  conformity  with  the  interests  of  both  than 
can  ever  be  secured  by  ignorance,  irresponsibility,  hood- 
lumism,  and  venality  ;  and  the  same  will  be  equally  true 
of  all  cities  in  every  State. 

Such  figures  as  these  even  in  their  local  application, 
to  say  nothing  of  the  disposition  among  the  ruralists 
in  the  North  to  settle  the  negro  question  forever,  may 
cause  New  York  to  tremble  in  the  balance  on  the  ques- 
tion. The  entire  North,  being  especially  vexed  and  an- 
noyed at  the  realization  of  the  fact  that  the  increased 
vote  in  the  South  consequent  upon  negro  suffrage  (which 
fails  to  "suff")  and  the  loafer  and  boodler  vote  of 
the  foreigners  in  New  York  City  could  control  presiden- 
tial elections,  or  even  approach  the  control  of  same,  and 
as  both  these  classes  are  vicious,  uneducated,  irrespon- 
sible and  corrupt — the  easy  prey  of  their  more  intelligent 
managers  and  bosses, — will  begin  to  think  it  a  good  thing 
on  general  principles  to  deprive  all  of  them  of  their 
voice. 

Especially  will  this  desire  be  manifested  in  the  Granger 

States.      It   would    enable   the    Granger   population    of 

these  States  (in  fact  of  all  States,  save  a  few)  to  control 

not   only   the   affairs   of   their   own   commonwealths   as 
12  • 


1 7^  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

against  the  irresponsible  loafers  of  the  cities,  but  like- 
wise to  insure  the  electoral  and  congressional  repre- 
sentation safe  to  their  unquestioned  majority. 

Not  only  so,  but  the  Granger  will  begin  to  see  that  the 
policy  of  protection  to  factories  has  not  benefited  the 
farms  ;  that  the  farms  have  paid  most  of  the  taxes  and 
received  none  of  the  benefits  ;  or,  in  a  word,  they  have 
been  the  contributors,  not  the  recipients,  and  in  conse- 
quence their  farms  are  heavily  mortgaged  and  their  corn 
is  perishing  with  rot.  Here  comes  at  last  a  proposition 
that  will  necessarily  tax  the  rich  urban  millionaire,  who 
has  for  about  a  generation  continuously,  and  at  long 
intervals  before,  been  receiving  all  the  benefits  for  which 
they  (the  Grangers)  were  taxed,  and  make  him  pay  more 
than  he  had  hitherto  paid,  if,  in  fact,  not  one  full 
moiety  of  all  and  half,  at  least,  of  the  other.  It  also 
contained  a  condition  that  would  put  into  the  hands  of 
the  ruralists  increased  proportionate  political  power  by 
the  decreased  proportionate  voting  privileges  that  would 
be  possible  of  retention  by  the  cities  under  the  operation 
of  the  law.  Here  is  both  increased  representatio?i  arid  de- 
creased taxatiofi — both  an  inevitable  result.  Further- 
more, it  would  settle  the  negro  question  of  the  South — 
a  canker  in  the  flesh  of  all  Northern  men  and  a  scar  left 
from  a  previous  wound  in  the  flesh  of  all  Southerners, 
but  with  them  no  longer  an  eating  sore.  The  Jatter  are 
willing  to  obliterate  their  scar  and  relieve  the  North  of 
the  festering  sore,  if  the  North  will  consent  to  purge  the 
nation  of  its  most  baleful  curse,  to  wit  :  igtiorattt  suffrage 
and  individual  monopoly.  The  Southern  States  have 
nothing  to  lose,  because  the  disfranchisement  would 
affect  but  little  the  white  population  of  their  section, 
and  since  the  foreign  pauper  of  the  thickly  populated 
centres  of  the  North  would  likewise  be  excluded  from 


PIIRONOCRACY  1 79 

the  ballot  in  about  the  same  numbers  as  the  negroes  of 
the  South,  representation  in  Congress  and  in  the  elec- 
toral college  would  not  relatively  be  materially  changed: 
The  South  might  lose  effectually  the  co-operation  of 
New  York,  which  has  hitherto  been  retained  by  the  for- 
eign ignoramus  in  the  lower  wards,  unless,  as  in  the 
Northwestern  Granger  States,  the  New  York  farmer 
acted  on  principle,  supporting  that  which  caused  him 
gain  rather  than,  on  prejudice,  supporting  that  which 
caused  him  loss.  This  is  a  problem  which  an  actual 
test  alone  could  determine  ;  but  the  Granger  States  (now 
becoming  exempt  from  prejudice  against  the  South)  can 
iTiake  common  cause  therewith  (which  both  should  have 
done  before),  and,  had  some  interest  or  object  arisen 
that  appealed  to  judgment  with  sufficient  force  to  over- 
come prejudice,  would  have  done  so  before,  and  the 
result  may  be  astounding.  Even  those  who  reasonably 
doubt  the  possibility  of  ever  passing  an  amendment  will 
begin  to  think  that  the  legislation  may  be  secured  in 
that  way.  Here  comes  the  solid  South — solid  for  a  pro- 
gressive idea,  for  something  apace  with  the  advancing 
thoughts  of  men.  It  cannot  be  urged  that  the  object  of 
the  solidity  is  the  payment  of  Confederate  war  claims  or 
similar  monstrosities,  any  more  than  it  could  be  said 
that  the  great  empire  of  Western  agricultural  States 
that  form  the  advancing  procession  have  become  con- 
verted to  the  idea  of  re-enslavement  and  similar  heresies. 
Long  and  tedious,  however,  will  be  the  advance — all 
waiting  for  a  considerable  part  of  their  own  number  to 
start.  Candidates  for  Congress  and  for  State  Legisla- 
tures who  may  espouse  the  cause  at  first,  can  have  no 
hope  of  greater  success  than  simply  the  promulgation  of 
the  creed  among  the  people.  Many  will,  of  course,  be 
beaten  and  few  elected,  but  in   time  the  light  will  begin 


l8o  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

to  dawn.  The  need  for  the  reform  that  is  proposed 
is  becoming  greater  and  greater,  the  gulf  between  Dives 
and  Lazarus  is  widening,  and  the  corruption  in  political 
practices  is  more  infamous  and  glaring.  Schemes  and 
acts  looking  toward  ballot  reform  are  passed  but  to  no 
avail,  as  all  partake  of  the  character  of  that  policy  which 
seeks  to  purify  from  the  surface  a  thing  that  is  rotten  at 
the  core.  But  after  many  vicissitudes  and  varying  suc- 
cess, with  no  deviation  whatever  from  principle,  the  thing 
will  begin  to  spread.  The  sheep  will  begin  to  jump,  and 
over  will  go  the  entire  flock. 

It  is,  then,  apparent  to  all  that  the  difficulties  in  the 
way  of  the  successful  eventuations  of  the  proposition  are 
more  to  be  apprehended  by  reason  of  the  inability  of  all 
parties  to  thoroughly  understand,  than  from  their  refusal 
to  extend  support  and  sympathy  when  all  is  once  made 
clear.  In  other  w^ords,  there  never  should  exist  much 
doubt  that  at  least  a  majority  of  the  voters  of  the  country 
would  favor  the  proposition,  for,  aside  from  the  com- 
parative universality  of  the  sentiments  of  the  Southern 
States  and  people,  and  the  overthrow  of  anti-bellum 
prejudices  in  the  rural  or  Granger  States  in  the  great 
Northwest,  and  the  union  of  these  two  great  producing 
sections  for  the  first  time  since  the  war  for  the  enactment 
of  legislation  directed  to  their  own  and  not  to  the  New 
England  manufacturer's  good,  the  actual  figures  bearing 
upon  the  subject  indicate,  if  in  fact  they  do  not  abso- 
lutely prove,  that  the  scheme  can  be  carried.  At  least 
none  can  deny  that  the  showing  is  much  more  favorable 
and  formidable  than  would  have  been  at  any  time  sup- 
posed. For  instance,  there  were  in  1888  about  eleven 
million  voters  in  the  entire  United  States,  and  in  1890, 
say,  in  round  numbers,  twelve  million  voters.  There  were 
in  1890  over  four  million  farm  owners — not  simply  ten- 


I'1IR()\()(  RACV  l<Sl 

ants  and  laborers,  hut /arm  owners — in  America.  Each 
one  of  these,  if  a  male  and  of  age,  has  one  vote,  and  each 
one  would  yet  retain  his  vote  under  the  qualification 
system,  because  he  owns  property.  It  therefore  stands 
to  reason  that  a  large  majority  of  this  four  million  farm 
owners  would  vote  for  a  scheme  (when  they  had  sifted  it 
in  all  its  bearings)  that  would  undoubtedly  reduce  to  them 
the  burden  of  taxation  and  assure  to  them  increased  repre- 
sentation. 

Consequently,  if  three  out  of  four  of  these  farm  owners 
voted  for  their  own  interests,  which  (now  that  the  era  of 
prejudice  has  passed)  it  is  but  reasonable  that  they 
should  and  would  do,  eventually  three  million  votes,  out 
of  a  total  of  eleven  million,  could  be  counted  in  its  favor 
from  this  source,  and  the  same  proportion  of  subsequent 
increases.  There  would  remain  eight  million  votes 
composed  of  the  reputable  classes  of  all  towns  and 
cities,  and  the  disreputable  classes  of  the  same.  If 
out  of  the  said  eight  million  there  could  be  relied  on 
as  supporters  only  one  fourth  the  whole  number,  which 
is  an  exceedingly  small  percentage,  this  would  make  two 
million  votes  which,  added  to  the  three  million  from  the 
rural  sections  of  the  country  and  from  the  South  and 
West  in  general,  would  make  a  total  of  five  million  voters, 
or  nearly  one  half  the  entire  voting  population. 

If  from  the  eight  million  one  third  could  be  secured 
(a  proportion  not  unreasonable),  then  these  added  to  the 
three  would  make  over  five  million  six  hundred  thou- 
sand, or  more  than  half  the  aggregate  vote  of  the  country 
in  1888.  It  is  clear,  therefore,  if  the  matter  was  taken 
vigorously  in  hand,  before  the  evils  of  Plutocracy  have 
concentrated  all  wealth  into  the  hands  of  the  few,  and 
curtailed  the  number  of  farm  owners  in  the  country, 
which  is  being  rapidly  done  by  the  foreclosure  of  mort- 


1 82  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTV 

gages  placed  upon  rural  estates  as  a  natural  result  of 
prohibiting  tariffs — of  the  system  which  forced  the 
farmer  to  sell  in  the  lowest  and  buy  in  the  highest 
markets, — that  success  would  be  more  than  possible 
even  on  the  first  probable  affiliation  of  the  people  and 
before  the  benefits  of  the  system  could  be  fully  ex- 
plained. It  would  bring  together  the  South  and  the 
West,  and  to  this  cogent  force  add  the  better  elements  of 
all  towns  and  cities,  and  result  in  the  practical  disfran- 
chisement of  the  negro,  who  is  objectionable  as  a  voter 
to  both  sections,  and  also  of  the  loafer,  the  boodler,  and 
the  penitentiary  bird,  whose  participation  in  the  affairs 
of  government  is  as  ridiculous  as  it  is  wrong.  The 
Northwestern  farmers  can,  however,  never  accept  the 
name  of  "  Democracy,"  be  that  what  it  may  in  principle, 
for  the  name  to  them  is  odious,  and  in  truth  too  much 
"Democracy"  is  odious  to  any  man.  "  Phronocracy  " 
will  suit  them  better,  and  after  the  provisions  of  the 
amendment  shall  have  been  discussed  until  it  has  be- 
come thoroughly  familiar  to  all  who  care  to  learn,  and 
after  several  Congressmen  and  State  legislators  have 
been  elected  and  the  Granger  States  have  chosen  anti- 
protectionist  senators,  it  can  be  formally  introduced  so 
as  to  bring  the  question  up  in  every  district  at  the  suc- 
ceeding election  ;  meanwhile  candidates  for  State  Legis- 
latures could  be  supported  so  as  to  make  it  possible  to 
seal  the  measure  by  the  ratification  of  the  States  First 
would  come  the  northern  States  of  the  South  and  that 
part  of  it  that  was  more  thickly  populated  by  the  negroes 
would  soon  follow,  and  ere  long  the  senators  of  some 
and  a  number  of  the  congressional  delegates  of  every 
Southern  State  would  favor  the  proposition. 

There  are  Virginia,  West  Virginia,  Maryland,  Delaware, 
North  Carolina,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Alabama,  Missis- 


I'llRONOCkACV  183 

sippi,  Georgia,  Florida,  Louisiana,  Texas,  Arkansas, 
Missouri,  rather  a  good  and  grand  array  of  probable 
enthusiastic  supporters,  numbering  sixteen,  which  ere 
long  could  be  relied  upon  in  case  the  amendment  was 
found  necessary.  Then  would  come  the  Grangers  of  the 
Northwest  which  would  likewise  be  sending  to  Congress 
occasional  members  and  electing  State  legislators  favor- 
able to  the  cause.  There  are  Minnesota,  Kansas,  Nebras- 
ka, Oregon,  Iowa,  North  Dakota,  South  Dakota,  Mon- 
tana, Washington,  Idaho,  Wyoming,  and  California, 
making  twelve  (12)  additional,  or  twenty-eight  in  all,  or, 
when  a  majority  of  their  delegates  were  secured,  six 
more  than  half  the  total  number,  with  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont, 
Connecticut,  Massachusetts,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Michigan,  Nevada,  Colorado,  Wisconsin,  and  Rhode 
Island,  or  sixteen,  from  which  to  obtain  the  requisite 
number  even  for  the  adoption  of  the  amendment  if  that 
should  be  required.  The  States  of  Wisconsin  and  Michi- 
gan would  soon  tremble  in  the  balance,  but  owing  to 
the  relatively  greater  factory  population  than  exists  in 
the  other  States  of  the  Northwest  they  would  not  as  soon 
be  secured,  but  ere  long  several  of  their  congressional 
delegates  would  be  obtained,  making  in  all  thirty  States, 
or  when  solid  the  number  required  in  the  lower  house, 
but  several  less  than  the  number  of  State  Legislatures. 
In  fact  it  appears  that  the  full  complement  of  State  dele- 
gations in  Congress  coxild  be  secured  before  even  a  ma- 
jority of  the  States  could  send  senators  to  the  upper 
house  favorable  to  the  measure  ;  this,  of  course,  by 
reason  of  the  necessary  delay  required  to  alter  the  poli- 
tical complexion  of  that  body.  Hence  a  bill  could  not 
receive  a  majority  in  the  Senate  though  the  House  might 
be  able  to  ratify  the  amendment. 


:84  Politics  and  lkoheri  \ 

In  States    in  which  the   large  cities   are  located  and 
throughout  entire  New  England  the  necessary  majority 
probably  could  not  be  secured.     The  opposition  in  Ohio, 
Indiana,  Illinois,  and  to  a  great  extent  in  New  York  and 
Massachusetts,  would  come  from  the  dishonest  politicians 
and  boodlers  who  reside  there  in  sufificient  numbers  to  pre- 
vent the  success  of  the  measure.     In  New  York  and  Mas- 
sachusetts, of  course,  the  one-hundred  millionaires,  or  the 
millionaires  from  five  and  upwards,  and  their  functionaries 
and  attaches,  would  make  some  impression  ;  but  of  this 
class  there  are  few  in  Ohio,  Indiana,  and   Illiiiois,  yet  in 
these  last  named  States  there  exists  quite  a"  number  of 
small  cities  and  large  towns  generally  distributed  over 
the  whole  area,  so  that  there  could  be  no  distinct  Gran- 
ger or  rural  districts  as  is  the  case  in  some  of  the  States 
of  the  great  Northwest.     Little  Rhode  Island  has  once 
enjoyed  property  qualification   and  w^as  none  the   worse 
therefor,    and    would    doubtless    gladly    reinstate    that 
part    of  the  proposition,   but   such   is  the  force   of  her 
factories  and  her  mills  and  the  violence  of  their  opposi- 
tion to  the  abolition  of  protection  that  she  would  not 
likely  be   recorded  in  the  column.     Connecticut  could 
not  likely  secure  her  Legislature  nor  a  majority  of  her 
Congressmen,  though  the  total  vote  of  the  State  might 
indicate  a  considerable  element  in  favor  of  the  proposi- 
tion.      Pennsylvania   would    perhaps    never    yield,   but 
Maine  would  likely  surrender.     This  would  make  thirty- 
one  States  represented  in  Congress,  or,  when  solid,  one 
more  than  the  necessary  two  thirds,  but  by  actual  estima- 
tion  of   the  State   Legislatures  there  would  be  greater 
difficulty  in  securing  the  necessary  three  fourths,  though 
when  fairly  considered,  all  in  all,  no  man  can  doubt  but 
that  there  is  more  thaji  a  possibility  of  securing  the  adop- 
tion of  the  measure  ;  in  fact,  a  better  preliminary  show- 


PHR()N(.)CRA{\  185 

ing  than  has  ever  existed  for  any  measure  of  innovation 
and  reform,  and  all  that  would  be  required  would  be  to 
thoroughly  inform  the  great  class  of  conservative  citizens 
whose  interests  undoubtedly  lie  in  the  direction  of  its 
adoption. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Suffrage  :  its  functions  and  uses— Original  governmental  systems 
absolute,  despotic,  and  void  of  suffrage — Suffrage  the  result  of 
opposition  to  divine  right  to  rule — A  certain  degree  of  excel- 
lence necessary — Curtailment  the  only  effectual  ballot  reform 
— Knock  out  both  the  one-hundred  millionaire  and  the  ward 
"worker" — Female  suffrage:  never  should  be  granted,  and 
reasons  why  not  —  Woman's  sphere  and  duty  :  marriage  — 
Opinions  regarding  same — Proposition  that  it  should  be  abol- 
ished and  women  made  pensioners  on  society — Never  materially 
altered. 

Suffrage — a  voice,  a  vote, — what  is  it,  what  does  it 
signify  ?     What  is  its  origin,  and  why  its  exercise  ? 

In  the  beginning,  when  man's  existence  was  doubtless 
confined  principally  to  the  tropics,  when  his  needs  and 
wants  were  simple,  owing  to  the  crude  and  circumscribed 
limit  and  scope  of  his  intellectual  faculties  and  the 
climatic  conditions  of  the  country  in  which  he  lived, 
there  was  but  little  required  of  him  save  to  pick  berries 
and  gather  fruit. 

Each  day  provided  for  itself,  and  did  so  reliably  and 
safely.  Hence  he  could  sit  calmly  under  the  shades  of 
the  palms,  breathe  the  perfumes  of  flowers,  listen  to  the 
trickling  brooks,  and  the  songs  of  the  birds  ;  in  a  word, 
revel  in  nature's  own,  the  outcome  of  its  existing  ener- 
gies. Then  truly  could  he  "  consider  the  lilies  of  the 
field,  how  they  grow  "  ;  he  could  see  that  "  they  toiled 
not  neither  did  they  spin  "  ;  and  whether  more  beauti- 
fully than  one  of  these  "  Solomon  in  all  his  glory  was 

I  So 


PHRONOCRACV  1 8/ 

ne'er  arrayed,"  it  mattered  not  to  this  contented  indi- 
vidual. He  knew  not,  or  at  least  he  had  not  the  faculty 
to  imagine,  how  it  could  be  otherwise  ;  that  "  sufficient 
unto  the  day  was  the  evil  thereof,"  and  that  he  need 
"take  no  heed  of  the  morrow,"  or  rather  he  need  not 
fear  want  or  seek  to  provide  against  it.  Even  that 
species  of  the  man  animal  that  lived  among  the  white 
bear  and  the  seal  could,  almost  without  effort,  or  rather 
about  as  easily  as  the  tropical  man  could  pick  the  berries 
and  the  fruit,  possess  himself  of  the  flesh  and  fur  of  the 
said  native  animals  in  amounts  sufficient  to  supply  his 
simple  wants,  for  he  differed  but  little  in  intellectual 
scope  from  them. 

So  that  from  nature's  abundant  storehouse  ample 
could  be  obtained  at  all  times,  and  provision  against 
want  was  unnecessary.  Why  this  condition  has  not 
existed  always,  or  rather  why  to-day  it  is  or  why  it  ever 
should  have  been  different,  we  have  not  the  power  or  the 
province  of  determining.  The  fact  is  that  the  condition 
is  different,  and  we  are  likewise  powerless  to  cause  that 
to  be  which  is  not,  and  must  take  it  as  it  is.  Many  hu- 
man beings  live  on  the  surface  of  the  earth  between 
parallels  of  latitude  thirty  and  sixty,  and  in  this  region 
of  country  the  natural  conditions  are  such  that  man  has 
many  and  wonderfully  diversified  wants. 

He  must  obtain  shelter  in  winter  or  he  will  die.  The 
fact  is  that  man  is  possessed  of  a  faculty  that  enables 
him  to  provide  against  and  protect  himself  from  the 
rigors  of  a  land  and  clime  different  from  that  in  which 
he  originated  and  to  which  he  was  doubtless  best  adapted, 
and  other  animals  are  not  ;  nor  do  other  animals  make 
such  provision,  nor  do  they  exist  in  said  unnatural 
regions,  except  through  and  by  the  aid  of  man. 

If  man  should  suddenly  be  bereft  of  these  faculties  he 


1 88  POLITICS    AND    I'ROPERTV 

would  shortly  cease  to  exist,  as  would  an  exotic  flower 
or  a  plant  perish  and  decay  ;  so  likewise  would  the  ani- 
mals that  are  not  endemic,  when  shorn  of  his  care,  suc- 
cumb to  the  elements  not  their  own,  and  the  greater 
these  variations,  rather  the  less  copious  that  nature  is  in 
her  supplies,  the  greater  and  more  diversified  is  the 
hideous  monster  called  '^  want,"  or  perhaps  the  thing 
called  "  poverty,"  which  is  the  inability  to  quiet  the 
pangs  of  w^ants. 

The  hungry  babe  will  cry,  and  if  there  be  no  milk  it 
will  die. 

Who  can  say  that,  looking  at  nature  practically  and 
square  in  the  face,  it  is  the  duty  of  each  man  to  exert 
himself  to  supply  milk  for  every  man's  babe  ?  The 
mare  that  suckles  her  own  colt  has  about  performed  her 
duty  to  the  genus  equiis  ;  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  she  may 
always  have  grass,  but  a  condition  can  be  imagined  under 
which  she  could  not,  and  for  no  fault  of  the  others  of 
her  kind. 

Well,  want  begets  a  disposition  to  supply,  and  the 
labor  thus  expended  is  worth  what  it  has  accomplished, 
that  is,  the  property  it  has  acquired, — and  the  possession 
of  this  property  becomes  a  right  inherent  in  the  indi- 
vidual, because  he  has  paid  value  for  it,  i.  e.,  he  had 
captured  it,  and  some  other  man  has  not ;  hence  it  is  his 
and  not  the  other  man's. 

The  accumulation  of  property  begets  a  desire  for  its 
retention  and  protection  ;  hence  communities  are  formed, 
and  in  the  natural  run  of  things,  though  perhaps  not 
more  or  less  naturally  than  that  the  birds  of  passage  or 
the  wild  geese  have  their  leaders,  leaders  spring  up 
among  men,  and  hence  chieftains  and  kings.  The 
ascendancy  of  the  king  begets  in  the  masses  an  idea  of 
power  and  right  akin  to  that  which  they  acknowledged 


PHRONOCRACY  1 89 

to  the  ruler  of  the  sea,  the  thunderbolts,  and  the  winds  ; 
hence  the  idea  of  divine  right,  and,  as  a  necessary  con- 
comitant thereof,  hereditary  succession.  It  was  and  is 
(be  it  modified,  howsoever),  wherever  it  exists,  a  relic  of 
barbarism, — nothing  more, — and,  like  many  other  relics 
of  the  same,  is  by  no  means  in  keeping  with  that  condi- 
tion of  civilization  in  which  men  can  calculate  eclipses 
and  measure  the  distance  to  the  stars. 

Fortunately  the  world  moves,  and  more  than  a  century- 
has  passed  since  a  nation,  then  comparatively  small  but 
now  the  brightest  of  all  the  powers  of  earth,  said,  "  There 
is  no  divine  right  to  rule,"  and  that  "  all  just  power  comes 
frojii  the  cottsent  of  the  govertied." 

From  this  grand  principle  came  suffrage, — the  voice, 
— the  expression  of  the  governed  as  to  who  shall  govern, 
and  what  may  be  his  powers.  It  is  possible,  however, 
that  the  greatest  blessings  of  human  life  may  be  in- 
dulged in  too  freely.  It  is  likewise  certain  that  he  who 
is  not  adapted  to  a  crown  (even  though  he  obtained  it 
by  divine  inheritance)  should  never  wear  it,  any  more 
than  he  whose  neck  and  shoulders  are  not  fitted  to  the 
yoke  (even  though  it  be  placed  there  by  superior  force) 
should  ever  bear  it.  A  man  to  exercise  the  right  to  say 
who  shall  be  the  governor  and  what  shall  be  his  powers, 
should  possess,  at  least,  the  ability  to  know  what  a  gov- 
ernor is  and  what  it  is  that  is  being  governed  ;  otherwise 
the  participation  in  the  privilege  is  a  mockery,  and  the 
right  to  do  so  had  as  well  be  extended  to  a  brute.  Why 
not  as  well,  yes  rather,  extend  the  suffrage  privileges  to 
an  honest  dog  than  to  a  vicious  man,  if  neither  knew 
what  suffrage  was  ;  why  not  rather  extend  it  to  a  horse, 
and,  with  equal  reason,  to  anything  ?  A  man  should 
not  participate  in  citizenship  unless  he  is,  to  a  certain 
extent  at  least,  capable  of  bearing  the  privileges  and  in- 


IQO  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTV 

curring  the  penalties  of  citizenship,  any  more  than  a 
man  should  be  engaged  as  porter  in  a  hotel  who  could 
not  carry  a  trunk,  or  as  a  blacksmith  who  could  not 
wield  a  forge.  He  should  not  be,  and  is  not,  permitted 
to  enter  the  army  unless  he  is  equal  to  a  certain  standard 
of  excellence,  so  that  he  can  withstand  and  endure  the 
requirements  of  the  situation.  A  blind  man  should  not 
be  engaged  as  a  pilot  on  a  ship  or  a  deaf  man  as  a  critic 
of  music,  a  lame  man  as  a  sprint-runner  or  a  consumptive 
as  a  pugilist  ;  in  a  word,  things  should  be  adapted  to 
each  other — ''  the  punishment  should  fit  the  crime,"  to 
accomplish  which  is  indeed  '"  an  object  all  sublime,"  but 
it  may  be  ''  achieved  in  time."  Since  governments  are  in- 
stituted and  are  maintained  for  the  protection  of  prop- 
ert}",  no  man  should  participate  in  government  who  has 
no  property.  Hence  the  requirements  should  be  that, 
for  the  exercise  of  this  the  greatest  and  most  important 
function  of  human  life,  there  should  be  a  standard  of 
excellence  or  of  fitness  prescribed,  just  as  there  is  for  the 
smallest  and  least  important  function  of  human  life.  It 
is  but  natural,  but  proper,  and  right.  Scoff  at  the  idea  as 
demagogues  and  blatherskites  may,  there  is  not  in  pub- 
lic life  in  America  in  1S90  a  single  honorable,  reliable, 
and  worthy  man  who  does  not  say  deep  down  in  his 
heart  that  ""  imiversal  suffrage  is  a  farce.''  He  dare  not 
utter  this  opinion,  because  if  so  his  political  life  would 
end,  but  it  may  be  different  later.  Many  good  men 
always  have  been  deterred  from  uttering  their  inherent 
political  opinions  just  because  an  uneducated,  vicious, 
and  corrupt  voting  population,  who  could  neither  ap- 
preciate nor  understand,  yet  who  could  cherish  prejudice 
and  seek  revenge,  could  determine  their  political  life  or 
death,  and  with  which  class  reason  was  of  no  avail  ;  and 
at  length  and  now  money  and  corruption  only,  and  uni- 


PHROXOCRACY  I9I 

versally,  control.  Not  alone  have  public  affairs  reached 
such  a  state  that  good  citizens  do  not  participate  in 
elections,  and  the  successful  candidates  are  too  often 
either  of  the  vicious  class,  or  in  sympathy  therewith,  or 
those  who  purchased  their  places  with  money,  but 
scarcely  a  measure  of  public  import  can  be  legislated 
upon  save  by  the  same  dastardly  and  infamous  means  of 
prostitution  and  plunder.  Not  only  this,  but  the  igno- 
rant and  vicious  are  being  elected  to  places  of  public 
trust,  ward  "  workers  "  to  municipal  councils,  and  bood- 
lers  to  State  Legislatures,  until  in  fact  actual  incompetency 
exists  in  these  assemblages,  and  the  wheels  of  govern- 
ment are  becoming  paralyzed.  No  politician  who  does 
not  covet  political  death  dares  do  other  or  more  than  to 
talk  about  ballot  reform  in  general,  but  about  nothing  in 
particular  ;  all  recognize  the  great  necessity,  but  no 
leader  will  speak.  Demagogues  will  reiterate  the  ex- 
pression, when  discussing  purification  by  qualification, 
that  was  made  by  an  ancient  public  man  to  the  rabble  : 
"  Was  it  the  man  or  the  ass  that  voted .- " 

This  appealed  well  to  the  \-ulgar,  but  w?s  of  no  use  to 
the  wise. 

By  all  means  let  the  ass  do  the  voting,  if  he  knows 
more  than  the  man,  and  if  the  ass  both  owns  and  knows 
more  than  the  man,  by  all  means  let  him  vote.  The 
platform  of  the  '  Consers-ative  Phronocrats  "  is  that  a 
man  should  both  know  something  and  own  something : 
the  first,  because  if  he  knows  nothing  he  is  less  compe- 
tent than  an  ass  ;  and  if  he  possesses  nothing  he  is  usually 
more  vicious  and  dangerous  to  society,  more  fruitful  of 
harm  and  bad  government,  than  an  ass.  This  qualifica- 
tion is  not  only  made  part  and  parcel  of  the  creed  by 
reason  of  the  inherent  justice  of  the  thing,  and  bv 
the  increasing  necessity  consequent  upon  the  rapid  in- 


ig2  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

crease  of  population,  but  as  a  compromise  for  the  sacrifice 
of  property  under  the  cumulative  tax.  Those  who  are 
extremists  either  way  will  not  be  part  and  parcel  of  this 
organization,  yet  those  who  lean  toward  the  continuance 
of  universal  suffrage  can  yield  their  preference,  and 
those  who  are  inclined  to  think  that  cumulative  taxation 
is  wrong,  yet  since  a  competency  could  yet  remain,  they 
could  yield  their  preference  and  agree  to  adopt  the  plan 
that  strikes  out  both  extremes — each  a  concession  to  the 
other.  Many  people  will  be  brought  over  to  cumulative 
taxation  because  it  carries  with  it  a  curtailment  and  puri- 
fication of  the  ballot,  which  they  consider  more  desira- 
ble than  one-hundred  millionaires  ;  and  others,  because 
they  think  the  abolition  of  one-hundred  millionaires  more 
desirable  than  a  continuance  of  loafer,  boodler,  and 
ignorant  suffrage.  It  looks  like  a  fair  thing  on  the  very 
face  of  the  papers.  If  individual  property  is  to  be  cur- 
tailed, why  should  not  suffrage,  which  regulates  govern- 
ment over  that  property,  be  also  curtailed  .?  Rather,  if  a 
man  is  to  be  compelled  to  yield  a  part  of  his  property 
to  the  State,  why  should  the  State  not  give  him  in  re- 
turn a  government  in  which  property  alone  participates, 
thus  guaranteeing  greater  stability  and  security  for  the 
retention  and  enjoyment  of  what  remains  ?  Aside  from 
the  glaring  and  universally  admitted  necessity  for  ballot 
reform,  and  the  almost  equal  unanimity  of  opinion  that 
the  only  genuine  and  true  reform  is  purgation  by  qualifi- 
cation, there  appears  to  be  ample  justification  for  it  in 
the  compromise.  Individuals  who  possess  hundreds  of 
millions  of  dollars  can  now  protect  their  estates  by  buy- 
ing up  town  councils,  State  Legislatures,  aye,  and  be  it 
said  to  the  shame  of  America,  even  judges  of  the  courts, 
and  when  dispossessed  of  this  cogent  weapon  of  defence 
it  appears  to  be  not  an   unreasonable  concession  that 


PIIRONOCRACY  I93 

property  and  education  only  should  vote,  especially  since 
by  this  policy  politics  will  be  purged  of  its  rottenness 
and  filth,  and  good  or  at  least  better  men — more  worthy 
citizens — will  become  politicians  and  the  standard  of 
the  clan  will  be  higher.  Some  objectors  urge  that  by 
curtailment  corruption  could  not  be  diminished,  but 
that  the  price  per  vote  would  simply  be  increased  ;  yet 
even  such  objectors  are  obliged  to  admit  that,  if  ac- 
complished, the  ratio  of  purchasable  to  non-purchasable 
voters  would  be  diminished  ;  that  those  who  could  not 
be  purchased  before  would  be  none  the  more  liable  to 
become  vendors  in  consequence,  and  many  of  the  class 
who  have  been  vendors  would  have  nothing  to  vend.  If 
out  of  one  thousand  men  under  the  universal  system, 
five  hundred  could  be  purchased  and  five  hundred  were 
unpurchasable,  it  is  certainly  an  unavoidable  conclusion 
that  under  the  qualification  system  the  reduction  would 
come  from  the  purchasable  and  not  from  the  unpurchas- 
able class,  and  if  the  latter  should  be  reduced  to  one 
hundred,  leaving  six  hundred  electors,  it  is  not  a  reason- 
able conclusion  that  three  hundred  could  now  be  bought, 
even  at  an  enhanced  price,  as  easily  as  the  five  hundred 
could  before  ;  if,  in  fact,  three  hundred  could  be  bought 
at  all.  Thus  increased  excellence  causes  increased  pride 
— rather  more  individuality.  Not  only  would  the  stand- 
ing and  character  of  the  elector  be  very  much  ele- 
vated and  purified,  but,  better  and  more^  the  elected  as 
well.  It  has  actually  come  to  pass  that  a  man  of  any 
respectability  can  not  serve  in  a  municipal  council, 
scarcely  any  in  the  State  Legislature,  and  the  Federal 
Congress  itself  is  not  exempt  from  the  iniquitous 
scourge  of  hoodlumism  and  venality.  Something 
must   be    done  or  republicism  must  end — surrendering 

either   to    plutocracy    with    despotic    power    to    enforce 
13 


194  POLITICS  AND   PROPERTY 

its    decrees,    or    to    anarchy    with    its    thirsty    dagger 
drawn. 

The  proposition  is  to  knock  out  both  the  one-hundred 
millionaire,  and  the  loafer,  each  equally  useless  and  as 
objectionable  as  they  are  dissimilar.  In  vain  it  may  be 
urged  that  the  one-hundred  millionaire  is  a  necessary 
ornament  to  society  and  must  be  retained,  likewise  vainly 
that  the  ward  loafer  is  entitled  to  participation  in  the 
affairs  of  State  and  must  also  remain  ;  but  not  vainly  is 
it  said  that  enterprises  should  be  prosecuted  by  the 
people  who  are  worthy,  and  we  will  give  them  increased 
representation  therein,  and  that  the  government  is  like- 
wise the  proper  function  of  the  worthy,  and  since  it  can- 
not be  worthily  administered  otherwise,  we  will  give  the 
unworthy  decreased  representation  therein.  In  other 
words,  public  enterpr-ises  are  bcconmig  too  exclusive  and 
government  is  not  enough  so,  or  too  inclusive. 

Thus  it  is  that  the  policy  should  prevail  of  increasing 
the  number  of  individuals  who  can  participate  in  busi- 
ness ;  that  is,  afford  greater  opportunity  to  all  men  to 
enjoy  the  fruits  and  profit  of  enterprises  by  nature 
monopolistic  and  consequently  exempt,  by  the  force  of 
the  situation,  from  that  competition  which  is  essential  to 
the  life  of  communities  as  well  as  to  trade,  and  of  de- 
creasing the  number  of  individuals  who  can  participate 
in  government — both  reforms  very  necessary  and  becom- 
ing more  so  daily.  The  same  principle  and  policy  that 
should  prevail  in  increasing  popular  representation  in 
private  enterprises,  out  of  which  the  living  of  all  must 
come,  should  cause  the  decrease  of  popular  representa- 
tion in  government,  out  of  which  the  living  of  none 
should  come,  thus  increasing  opportunity  in  business 
and  decreasing  it  in  government,  causing  property  to  bMJf 
more  equitably  distributed  without  elevating  the  worth- 


I'llRONOCRACY  _  I95 

less  and  the  trifling  and  without  thwarting  enterprise, 
and  at  the  same  time  guaranteeing  increased  security  to 
property  and  elevating  the  character  of  government. 

The  proposed  compromise  on  the  curtailment  of  un- 
reasonable accumulations  on  one  end,  and  the  purifica- 
tion of  the  ballot  on  the  other,  may  lead  to  an  animated 
discussion  on  the  rights  of  women  to  suffrage. 

By  that  class  of  the  female  sisterhood  called  "  women's- 
rights  advocates,"  many  arguments  and  appeals  have 
been  made  to  representative  assemblages  for  the  exten- 
sion of  the  ballot  to  their  sex,  and,  notwithstanding  the 
fact  that  the  desire  for  the  exercise  of  the  franchise  ap- 
pears not  to  be  very  great,  very  general,  or  widespread, 
nevertheless  some  States  have  adopted  it  as  applicable  to 
schools  and  municipal  affairs  ;  but  nowhere  is  the-  senti- 
ment growing. 

Presidential  conventions  are  not  exempt  from  resolu- 
tions introduced  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  alive  the 
agitation,  but  no  party  of  any  strength  has  adopted  the 
measure  as  a  cardinal  creed  or  political  plank  in  its  presi- 
dential platform.  It  is  persistently  maintained,  and  not 
without  reason,  that  since  suffrage  is  exercised  by  the 
most  lowly,  degraded,  and  vicious  of  men,  it  would  be 
but  proper  in  the  interest  of  the  State,  to  say  nothing  as 
to  the  rights  of  the  women,  that  she,  who  is  admittedly 
more  prudent  and  conservative,  usually  more  painstaking 
and  sagacious, — that  she  whose  intuition  was  better  than 
man's  judgment, — should  be  permitted  to  vote  as  a  bal- 
ance-wheel on  society,  as  a  check  on  man's  recklessness  ; 
and  that  since  all  are  ready  to  admit  that  in  the  social 
sphere  women  exercise  a  wholesome  and  beneficent  in- 
fluence upon  men,  cause  them  to  restrain  the  violence  of 
their  passions,  to  elevate  their  liopes  and  moderate  their 


196         '  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

desires,  so  in  the  sphere  of  politics  and  government 
would  the  same  salutary  influence  be  exercised  and  tend 
to  purge  the  public  of  much  of  its  iniquity  and  sin. 
Women  are  admitted  to  be  the  supporters  of  religious 
institutions,  without  the  influence  of  whom  they  would 
doubtless  degenerate  and  decay,  and  while  man  may 
in  the  progressiveness  of  his  thought,  in  the  boundless 
scope  of  his  imagination  and  fancy,  and  in  the  ability  he 
has  acquired  through  scientific  inventions,  to  sweep  with 
a  four-foot  lens  and  incidental  appliances  the  broad  ex- 
panse of  limitless  space,  tend  towards  the  acceptance  of 
views  heterodox  and  materialistic,  and,  in  consequence 
thereof,  upset  the  foundation  on  which  the  moral  edifice 
is  constructed,  yet  women  as  a  class  will  cling  to  the  rock 
of  faith  with  unflinching  energy  and  never-ending  devo- 
tion, thus  causing  to  be  perpetuated  an  institution,  be  it 
construed  in  any  way  whatsoever,  is  yet  an  agency  of 
greater  good  than  evil,  and  tends  to  elevate  the  moral 
instincts  of  mankind  ;  and  as  with  this,  so  in  govern- 
ment, it  is  claimed,  would  their  intervention  be  salutary 
and  always  found  upon  the  side  of  the  moral  and  the 
good.  When  it  is  proposed  to  curtail  suffrage  among 
men  to  within  the  limit  of  those  who  know  something 
and  possess  something,  or,  in  other  words,  to  within  the 
ranks  of  men  and  not  brutes  (than  which  latter,  an  ab- 
solutely ignorant  and  degraded  man  or  woman  is  little 
better),  it  will  be  urged  with  renewed  and  increased 
gusto  that  women  who  know  something,  and  possess 
something,  should,  under  this  state  of  society,  by  all 
means  vote. 

The  discussion  has  resolved  itself  into  a  kind  of  chaos 
of  opinions.  It  does  appear  as  though,  if  a  woman  is 
possessed  of  property,  and  pays  taxes,  and  likewise  is 
possessed    of    education    and   brains,    she    should    par- 


PIIROXOCRACV  197 

ticipate  in  that  institution  (government)  which  guaran- 
tees peaceable  enjoyment  of  that  property,  so  that  it 
begins  to  be  discussed  philosophically.  Interrogatories 
are  propounded  for  the  purpose  of  eliciting  opinions  as 
to  who  woman  is  anyhow,  what  is  she,  what  is  her  mis- 
sion on  earth,  and  what  are  her  rights  in  the  world  ?  Is 
she  or  is  she  not  responsible  for  the  loss  of  Eden  ?  Is  she 
entitled  to  every  opportunity  open  to  man,  and  if  so  should 
she  or  should  she  not  be  subjected  to  the  same  exactions 
that  are  placed  upon  man  ?  If  entitled  to  the  same  op- 
portunity, then  it  appears  reasonable  that  she  should  be 
subjected  to  the  same  penalty.  If  she  is  to  participate 
in  citizenship,  those  eligible  for  suffrage  should  be  eligi- 
ble to  any  official  position  that  is  open  to  man  ;  and  if 
eligible  to  enjoy  the  honors  and  emoluments  of  office, 
then  she  should  be  called  upon  to  bear  the  same  respon- 
sibility as  man  in  the  nation's  defence.  She  must  hold 
herself  in  readiness  to  climb  the  ropes  and  nail  the 
banner  to  the  mast,  to  command  a  squadron  on  the  deep 
blue  sea,  to  take  in  hand  ten  thousand  men  and  march 
up  the  hills  then  down  again.  She  must  be  eligible  to 
appointments  when  young  to  the  military  and  naval 
academies  of  all  nations,  must  serve  as  municipal  police 
as  well  as  in  State  military  organizations  ;  she  must  pre- 
pare herself  generally  to  win  her  glory  on  the  tented 
field  as  well  as  on  the  hustings,  or  the  forum  ;  for  whilst 
"  peace  hath  its  victories  not  less  renowned  than  war," 
yet  citizenship  has  its  penalties  as  well  as  its  rewards, 
and  no  woman  could  reasonably  expect  to  participate 
with  men  co-equally  in  the  vote  without  being  equally 
ready  to  respond  to  the  call  of  the  draft.  In  a  word, 
participation  in  suffrage  really  and  justly  means  partici- 
pation in  government  in  all  that  the  term  implies,  and  in 
all   its    incidental' belongings.      Now,    it    is  asked,    are 


198  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

women  physically  capable,  or,  if  so,  are  they  in  their 
proper  sphere  when  called  upon  to  assume  and  exercise 
all  the  functions  of  government  that  men  must  occupy, 
and  if  in  their  proper  sphere  is  it  for  the  good  of  the 
women  themselves,  to  say  nothing  of  the  good  to  the 
State  that  is  unquestionably  vouchsafed  in  the  proper 
tutelage  to  the  rising  generations  (which  should  not  be 
neglected,  and  which,  if  women  were  subjected  to  duties 
co-equally  with  men,  undoubtedly  would  be),  that  they 
should  be  granted  these  privileges  ?  Extend  to  indi- 
vidual women  all  the  credit  you  will,  and  to  women  as  a 
class  all  the  liberality  and  opportunity  you  may,  and  it 
cannot  be  denied,  or  even  for  a  single  moment  questioned, 
that  as  a  class  they  are  inferior  both  intellectually  and 
physically  to  men  as  a  class.  Had  such  not  been  the  case 
from  the  very  beginning,  woman  would  now  be  in  the 
ascendancy  and  not  man  ;  they  would  be  considering 
what  rights  they  would  extend  to  the  men,  and  not  what 
the  men  might  extend  to  them. 

It  has  been  urged  that  they  stand  to-day  secondary  to 
man  only  because  men  have  kept  them  down.  Be  it  so. 
Men  have  kept  them  down  because  men  are  stronger, 
otherwise  they  could  not  have  succeeded.  In  any 
civilized  state,  or  as  civilization  has  progressed,  it  has 
been  the  disposition  of  men  to  extend  to  women,  if  not 
increased  opportunities  (which  for  their  own  good  would 
be  questionable),  certainly  increased  courtesies  and  ex- 
emption from  toil.  As  the  woman  advances  in  physical 
and  intellectual  culture  and  strength,  so  commensurately 
are  these  adorable  qualities  imparted  to  her  offspring  ; 
as  she  is  forced  into  the  caverns  of  ignorance  and  gloom, 
so  has  mankind  failed  to  develop. 

There  appear  to  be  certain  avocations  in  life  to  which 
even  men  in  their  varymg  attributes  and  propensities  are 


PIIRONOCRACY  I99 

best  adapted  and  out  of  which  they  are  usually  ill  at  ease 
and  worthless,  so  to  a  greater  degree  do  there  appear 
to  be  two  certain  distinct  spheres  in  life,  one  to  which 
woman  is  best  adapted  and  out  of  which  she  is  lost,  and 
the  other  in  which  the  man  is  the  most  suitable  occupant 
and  out  of  which  he  is  lost. 

There  is  undoubtedly  a  vast  difference  between  man- 
kind and  womankind. 

"  What  a  strange  thing  is  man,  but 
What  a  stran<rer  thinsj  is  woman. 
What  a  whirlwind  is  her  head,  and 
What  a  whirlpool,  full  of  depth  and  danger. 
Is  all  the  rest  about  her. 
What  she  has  said  or  done  is  nought  to 
What  she  '11  say  or  do. 
The  oldest  thing  on  record,  and  yet  new." 

Her  ideas  are  different  and  apparently  her  conclusions 
are  reached  by  the  very  opposite  course  of  reasoning  to 
that  which  man  would  employ.  Her  ratiocination  is 
mysterious,  her  deductions  seldom  profound.  Yet  frailty, 
though  the  name  of  many,  is  not  the  name  of  all.  Her 
tongue  is  often  nimble  and  her  thoughts  oft  keen,  and 
when  good  she  is  oft  the  best,  when  honorable  she  is  oft 
the  truest,  when  handsome  is  oft  the  most  attractive,  but 
when  bad  is  oft  the  very  worst  thing  in  the  world. 

Differing,  as  they  do,  mentally  and  physically  from 
men,  why  should  they  not  occupy  that  radically  different 
sphere  ?     Why  should  they 

"  Offer  war,  where  they  should  kneel  for  peace  ; 
Or  seek  for  rule,  supremacy,  and  sway, 
When  they  are  bound  to  serve,  love,  and  obey. 
Why  are  their  bodies  soft,  weak,  and  smooth. 
Unapt  to  toil  and  trouble  in  the  world  ; 
But  that  their  soft  conditions  and  their  hearts 
Should  well  agree  with  their  external  parts  ?  " 


200  POTJTTCS   AND    PROPERTY 

It  is  urged  that  the  conservative,  phronocratic  com- 
promise would   exclude   many   men   from    voting   who 
might  be  forced  to  serve  in  war.     Why  not  extend  to 
woman  the  right  of  voting  and  exempt  them  from  the 
throes  of  war  ?     The  answer  is  simple.     The  men  who 
would  be  excluded  from  voting  are  not  fit  to  vote  ;  they 
might  be  fit  for  war,  and  if  so,  so  be  it  ,  but  women  are 
fit  neither  for  voting  nor  for  war,  not  because  of  the 
meagreness  of  their  intellectual  endowments  (for  a  few 
possess  much),  but  simply  because  they  are  women,  and 
all  deductions  of  logic,  all  the  force  of  argument,  yea 
more,  could  be  adduced  and  no  better  reason  could  be 
given,  and  it  is  quite  enough.     They  are  entitled  to  the 
higher  right  not  to  vote  and  not  to  serve  in  the  nation's 
defence.     The  desire  to  exercise  the  privilege  is  usually 
pressed  either  by  husbandless  women  or  childless  wives  ; 
both  living  in  an  unnatural  state,  hence  seek  unnatural 
exercises,  and  cherish  unnatural  aspirations.    It  is  found, 
too,  that  where  female  suffrage  has  been  permitted,  such 
as  in  the  election  of  school  trustees  and,  in  some  of  the 
Western  States,  of  municipal  assemblages,  the  conditions 
as  to  government  are  not  materially  changed,  nor  is  the 
right  exercised  by  a  great  percentum  of  the  women.     All 
tests  that  can  be  applied  lead  the  public  mind  to  con- 
clude that  in  at  least  three  fourths  of  the  cases  the  wife 
would  vote  as  did  the  husband,  so  that  in  effect  it  would 
amount  to  an  increase  in  numbers  with  the  same  identi- 
cal results — an  increased  cumbersomeness  without  any 
increased  efficiency.     With  women  who  are  not  married 
the  practice  would  become  a  burlesque  in  which  those 
most  capable  and  worthy  would  seldom  participate. 

It  is  argued  that  in  the  marital  state  women  are  called 
upon  to  yield  too  much  to  their  husbands  ;  that  their 
individuality  is   absorbed  ;    that  they  are   nothing,   no 


PHRONOCRACY  20I 

matter  how  capable,  save  what  the  husband  is,  no 
matter  how  worthless.  To  which  it  is  replied  :  Would 
not  a  total  extirpation  or  even  a  decided  alteration 
of  this  condition  be  incompatible  with  the  maintenance, 
in  its  so-called  divine  integrity,  of  that  psychical  and 
material  dual-unity  that  the  relationship  now  recognizes  ? 
Is  civilization  in  such  a  state  that  said  dual-unity  should 
be  discouraged,  much  less  annulled  ?  There  is  as  yet, 
perhaps,  no  decided  proposed  improvement  that  can  be 
logically  supported.  Female  suffrage  would  in  effect 
alter  nothing,  and  the  evil  or  oppression  supposed  to 
hamper  female  development  would  not  be  remedied 
by  it. 

Women  suffer  from  the  contending  forces  of  nature 
and  of  their  fellow-creatures  just  as  men  suffer,  and,  if 
not  protected  by  men,  either  by  marriage  or  some  other 
social  contrivance,  would,  in  common  strife  with  men,  be 
destroyed  by  men,  simply  because  men  are  stronger. 
Such  strife  can  never  exist.  If  the  condition  and  estate 
of  men  as  a  class  can  be  improved  by  curtailing  the  re- 
sultant monstrosities  of  society,  women  as  a  class  will 
receive  their  share  of  that  relief.  Later  men  may  know 
better  how  to  improve  woman's  condition  relative  to 
themselves  than  they  now  know,  and  then  something 
more  efficacious  than  the  ballot  will  be  accorded  them. 

Many  plans  and  schemes  have  been  suggested  as  to  a 
modification  of  the  relationship  existing  between  the 
sexes.  Some  hold  marriage  to  be  a  failure  ;  others  that 
the  bond  should  be  absolutely  indissoluble.  Some  claim 
that  there  should  be  no  marital  tie  whatever,  but  that 
woman  should  be  permitted  to  exercise  what  was  consid- 
ered her  natural  right  of  selection,  regarding  which  her 
instincts  are  claimed  to  be  keener  than  man's  judgment. 
It  is  held  also  by  some  that  by  reason  of  the  position 


202  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

women  are  obliged  to  occupy  in  society  ;  that  is,  cut  off 
from  many  of  the  pursuits  of  occupation  and  remuneration 
that  are  always  open  to  man,  they  are  necessarily  forced 
into  a  condition  of  dependence  which  causes  many,  to 
whom  the  opportunity  is  presented,  to  make  uncongenial 
matrimonial  alliances  solely  as  a  means  of  protection  from 
actual  want  ;  that  olhers  are  driven  into  the  slums  of  de- 
gradation, licentiousness,  and  vice  from  similar  motives  ; 
in  a  word,  that  the  dint  of  necessity,  resulting  mainly 
from  circumscribed  opportunity,  causes  many  an  unhappy 
marriage  and  makes  many  a  woman  wanton. 

"  To  lapse  in  fulness 
Is  sorer  than  to  lie  for  need  ;  and  falsehood 
Is  worse  in  kings  than  beggars." 

So,  likewise,  is  virtue  more  likely  "  never  to  be  moved 
though  lewdness  court  it  in  the  shape  of  heaven,"  when 
comfort,  contentment,  and  solace  are  secure,  than  when 
the  gnarling  wolf  is  grinning  at  the  door. 

It  is  actually  maintained  that  nine  tenths  of  the  inmates 
of  brothels,  bagnios,  and  the  like  are  driven  there  by  ne- 
cessity. Women  of  likely  state  who  can  not  secure  a 
competency,  in  many  cases  not  even  the  actual  comforts 
in  life's  honorable  pursuits,  are  forced  to  yield  even  to 
mild  temptation,  and  then  down,  down  into  the  seething 
depths  of  hell  is  their  inevitable  destiny — their  funeral 
knell. 

Beyond  doubt,  the  monster  want  often  prompts  deeds 
of  daring,  of  diabolism,  and  disorder  ;  but  want  can 
never  be  entirely  relieved. 

Forest  fires  will  sweep  the  boundless  plains,  bringing 
ruin  to  the  wild  flowers,  the  herbs,  and  the  grasses. 

Resistless  winds  will  rift  the  mountain  oaks,  and  the 
energies  of  nature  will  make  the  continents  tremble  ;  and 


PHRONOCRACY  203 

SO  in  any  social  state  will  uncontrollable  agencies  cause 
differences  in  social  conditions  which  legislation  can 
never  equalize  and  ofttimes  never  alter.  Female  suffrage 
will  never  alleviate  female  woes  to  a  greater  extent  than 
unlimited  male  franchise  has  equalized  man's  estate. 

Suffrage  is  a  duty  that  responsible  members  of  society 
always  owe  to  that  state  of  society  which,  for  protection 
against  viciousness  and  unrestraint,  they  have  instituted, 
to  guarantee  its  perpetuation  and  utility,  and  not  a  privi- 
lege that  should  be  indiscriminately  extended  to  the 
irresponsible  vagabonds  of  the  community  as  a  reward 
for  their  mere  existence  as  men.  Why,  therefore,  should 
women  seek  to  perform  this  duty  when  their  thoughts  can 
be  devoted  to  things  far  more  ennobling  ;  and  why,  with 
far  greater  wrong,  should  the  irresponsible  negro,  the 
scullion,  and  the  knave  be  permitted  to  perform  it, 
when  by  their  votes  are  constantly  being  committed 
many  crimes  so  heinous  to  the  State,  that  "  the  bandy 
wind  that  kisses  all  it  meets  is  hush'd  within  the  hollow 
mine  of  earth,  and.Avill  not  hear  them  "  ? 

The  government  of  the  United  States  is  a  republic. 
Few,  if  any,  of  its  citizens  espouse  the  principles  of 
monarchy  ;  hence  all  are  republicans.  However,  under 
any  U7iregulated  system  of  society  extreme  conditions  of 
wealth  and  poverty  must  occur.  The  Republican  party 
in  America  to-day  undoubtedly  tends  towards  plutocracy 
and  centralization,  to  a  greater  extent  than  does  the 
Democratic  party.  This  is  clearly  manifest  in  the  advo- 
cacy by  that  party  of  protection  to  the  classes,  by  systems 
of  tariffs,  subsidies,  bounties,  and  the  like.  The  tend- 
ency of  the  day  is  towards  the  increase  of  plutocracy  on 
the  one  hand,  till,  to  maintain  its  existence,  it  must 
eventually  advocate  a  stronger  centralized  government, 
with  a  tendency  towards  monarchy  ;  and,  on  the  other,  an 


204  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

increase  of  democracy,  until  it  verges  on  to  socialism. 
In  France,  one  hundred  years  ago,  there  existed  the 
plutocrats,  or  Royalists,  and,  per  contra,  the  Jacobins,  or 
anarchists,  the  two  representing  the  extremes  of  social 
conditions.  Between  these  extremes  there  sprang  into 
being  the  Girondists,  who  advocated  republican  institu- 
tutions,  to  be  operated  and  controlled  by  citizens  less 
plutocratic  than  the  Royalists,  and  less  anarchistic  than 
the  Jacobins.  Had  the  principles  of  the  Girondists  been 
extensively  promulgated  before  the  curse  of  plutocratic 
royalty  had  become  so  deep-seated  in  the  hearts  and 
minds  of  the  masses,  the  rule  of  Jacobinism  would  no 
doubt  have  been  averted,  and  the  horrors  of  "  the  reign 
of  terror "  would  have  been  anticipated  and  prevented 
by  the  more  conservative  Girondism  that  stood  as  a  com- 
promise between  both.  But,  a  foe  of  reformation  is  a 
friend  of  revolution.  Hence  Jacobin  tyranny  existed  till 
its  leaders  were  satiated  with  blood,  and  till  the  gaping 
wounds  of  a  stricken  people  yearned  for  order  and 
stability  even  by  the  creation  of  the  dynasty  of  Bona- 
parte. 

In  America  the  time  has  not  yet  arrived  for  a  bloody 
conflict  between  our  plutocratic  Royalists  and  our  demo- 
cratic Jacobins  ;  but  the  time  is  at  hand  fo  avert  its 
possible  occurrence  by  a  timely  compromise,  set  forth  in 
Phronocratic  Girotidism  ;  otherwise  a  temporary  "  reign 
of  terror  "  may  be  precipitated,  to  be  in  the  end  supplanted 
by  a  system  akin  to  a  Napoleonic  empire.  The  arbitra- 
ment of  force  usually  results  in  the  establishment  of 
extreme  conditions  ;  and  the  sentiment  of  the  body- 
politic  in  America  to-day,  however  repulsive  to  thought- 
ful minds  the  suggestion  may  appear,  is  not  wholly  for 
relief  from  tariffs  and  similar  systems  of  governmental 
paternalism    and    discriminating  legislation,  but  for  the 


PHRONOCRACY  205 

dethronement  of  plutocracy,  to  prevent  the  enthronement  of 
its  king. 

Questions  of  domesticity,  such  as  marriage,  divorce, 
religion,  and  the  like,  are;  not  yet  matters  of  special 
moment.  All  things  considered,  there  is  to-day  no  better 
regulation  than  one  man  one  wife,  each  reliable  and  con- 
tinent. Likewise  as  to  religion.  It  is  undeniable  that  in 
orthodox  Christianity  there  are  many  apparent  inconsist- 
encies that  are  utterly  in  conflict  with  the  reason  of  the 
philosopher  or  the  discoveries  of  the  scientist  ;  but  the 
people  at  large  are  neither  philosophic  nor  scientific,  and 
require  some  restraining  or  consoling  influence  to  check 
vicious  tendencies,  which  the  philosopher  can  dispense 
with.  Likewise  to  the  average  mind,  when  beset  with 
vexation,  with  tribulation,  and  with  sorrow,  much  solace  is  • 
certainly  vouchsafed  in  lifting  the  voice  to  the  Almighty 
and  invoking  His  blessing  in  the  name  of  the  Son. 

More  individuals  in  the  world,  as  it  is,  are  guided  by 
sound  than  by  sense,  more  by  fiction  than  by  fact,  more 
by  prejudice  and  passion  than  by  prudence  and  penetra- 
tion ;  hence  for  the  masses,  as  they  now  exist,  faith  is 
better  than  philosophy.  We  are  guided  by  glamour 
rather  than  by  research. 

"  O  place,  O  form, 

How  often  dost  thou  with  thy  case. 

Thy  haljit,  wrench  awe  from  fools,  and  tie 

The  wiser  souls  to  thy  false  seeming." 

The  present  is  the  time  to  dethrone  oppression  result- 
ing from  things  temporal,  and  immediately  confronting 
us  ;  but  religion  is  likely  to  stand  until  men  who  do  not 
believe  can  say  something  more  definite  than  that  they  do 
not  know.  Regulate  government,  religion  will  regulate 
itself. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Effects  of  true  ballot  reform — Suppresses  the  Southern  negro  and  the 
Northern  loafer — Election  of  collectors  and  postmasters  would 
relieve  the  President  and  diminish  patronage — Collectors'  voting 
lists  :  could  not  be  forged — How  voting  would  be  done — Record 
absolutely  correct,  and  votes  would  be  checked  by  postmasters' 
lists — No  need  of  large  property  qualification  ;  purity  guaranteed 
without ;  would  increase  the  government's  stability — Impossible 
to  buy  votes — Qualified  suffrage  better  than  know-nothingism  ; 
will  cause  diversified  representation. 

Many  efforts  have  been  made  to  secure  what  is  called 
ballot  reform,  and  all  have  been  of  no  practical  effect. 
In  the  large  cities,  from  crowded  tenements,  notwith- 
standing registration,  frauds  are  committed  ;  in  fact,  in 
a  confused  mass  of  human  animals  crowded  into  dens 
and  dungeons,  with  really  no  habitation  of  a  permanent 
and  substantial  character,  it  is  impossible  to  arrive  at  any 
real  and  tangible  system  of  ballot  reform. 

The  only  way  to  reform  this  class,  who  have  no  in- 
terest in  any  man  or  principle,  but  little  comprehension 
of  what  they  are  doing  when  they  vote,  and  absolutely 
no  responsibility, — many  actually  preferring  to  lodge  a 
few  nights  in  jail  than  otherwise, — is  to  deprive  them  of 
the  ballot.  This  class,  together  with  the  ignorant  and 
degraded  negro  of  the  South,  make  popular  suffrage  a 
mockery,  and  really  cause  the  laws  and  institutions  that 
support  it  to  be  the  proper  subjects  of  ridicule.  All 
reasonable  men  admit  it,  but  the  demagogues  encourage 
the  boodlers  with  high-sounding  platitudes  about  man- 
hood   suffrage    and   the    like.     Still,  popular  opinion  is 

206 


PHKOXOCRACV  20/ 

waxing  strong,  and  as  the  population  becomes  dense  the 
necessity  for  curtaihnent  becomes  greater,  and  the  entire 
North  is  still  restive  under  the  pressure  of  the  suppressed 
negro  vote  of  the  South.  The  South  will  not  submit  to 
negro  domination,  and  the  North  cannot  force  them  to 
do  so  by  any  feasible  plan.  It  is  either  to  disfranchise 
the  negro,  or  have  his*  vote  counted  in  Congress  and  in 
the  electoral  college,  just  as  the  white  vote  is  counted. 
Schemes  for  deportation  to  Africa  have  been  devised, 
but  since  the  negro,  unfortunately,  is  a  citizen  under  the 
law,  he  cannot  be  forced  to  leave  the  civilized  white  and 
enter  into  the  jungles  of  Africa  with  the  barbarous 
anthropophagi  of  that  benighted  country.  In  fact,  when 
in  the  state  of  slavery  prior  to  the  war  there  was  scarce 
a  negro  who  would  have  exchanged  that  condition  of 
slavery  for  such  liberty  as  he  might  have  secured  in 
Africa.  There  he  would  have  been  the  slave  of  some 
barbarous  chief,  in  whose  custody  his  life  would  be  im- 
perilled and  be  subjected  to  the  discomforts  of  uncivilized 
conditions,  whilst  as  the  slave  of  his  Southern  master  he 
was  usually  well  fed  and  clothed,  and  in  the  majority  of 
cases  protected.  Deportation  has  resulted  in  nothing, 
and  disfranchisement  can  be  brought  about  only  by  some 
general  law  applicable  to  all  citizens — let  it  oppress 
whomsoever  it  may.  This  sentiment — the  willingness, 
yea,  the  eagerness  of  the  South  to  accept  it, — and  the  cry 
of  ballot  reform  in  the  North,  are  what  must  eventually 
bring  it  about. 

The  only  legal  voters,  as  a  matter  of  course,  would  be 
the  taxpayers  recorded  on  the  books  of  the  collector, 
and  their  names  would  have  to  be  registered  six  months 
before  the  election  ;  or,  rather,  the  taxpaying  voter  must 
have  recorded  his  name  and  property  a  half  year  before 
he  became  a  qualified  elector. 


208  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

The  collectors  for  each  congressional  district  would 
be  obliged  to  keep  an  alphabetically  arranged  list  of 
these  names,  which  would  be  by  no  means  difficult,  and 
these  would  be  required  to  be  printed  in  pamphlets  and 
sent  to  the  clerks  and  judges  of  elections  at  every  polling 
precinct. 

The  voter  on  election  day,  when  seeking  to  record  his 
vote,  would  give  his  name  and  address  to  the  clerk  of 
his  poll,  which  latter  would  refer  at  once  to  his  alpha- 
betical list  of  voters  supplied  in  the  pamphlet  from  the 
collector,  and  if  the  said  name  and  address  was  found 
therein  duly  recorded  the  would-be  voter  would  then  be 
required  to  write  his  signature  in  the  poll-book  in  legible 
English,  and,  if  requested,  to  read  a  section  of  the  Fed- 
eral Constitution,  after  which  he  could  cast  his  ballot. 
In  national  and  in  some  State  elections,  where  the  can- 
didates were  not  numerous,  a  recording-box  could  be 
used  in  place  of  a  ballot-box.  One  of  these  could  be 
labelled  with  the  name  of  each  candidate  ;  that  is,  for 
President,  Congressman,  Collector,  Postmaster,  and  so 
forth.  The  voter,  after  having  registered  his  name, 
could  then,  instead  of  depositing  his  ballot,  simply  touch 
the  handle  of  the  box  labelled  with  the  name  of  the  man 
for  whom  he  wished  to  vote,  and  the  vote  would  be 
recorded  openly.  The  aggregate  of  these  would  have 
to  agree  with  the  number  of  signatures  recorded,  or 
fraud  would  be  priitia  facie.  To  prevent  dishonest 
clerks  and  judges  from  forging  the  signatures  on  the 
poll-books  of  men  recorded  in  the  collector's  list  who 
had  not  appeared  at  the  polls  to  vote,  the  officers  of 
each  precinct  could  be  required  to  give  to  the  postmasters 
in  that  precinct  or  town  at  the  close  of  the  polls  a  list  of 
the  men  who  voted.  These  lists  the  postmaster  should 
print  and  hold  in   readiness   for  any  man   who   should 


PIIRONOCRACY  209 

desire  to  receive  one  on  application  at  his  ofifice  for  six 
months  succeeding  the  election.  Thus,  if  any  man  who 
had  not  presented  himself  at  the  polls  should  find  his 
name  recorded  he  would  at  once  discover  the  fraud  and 
forgery  ;  hence  this  would  be  dangerous  business.  Never 
could  more  votes  be  recorded  than  those  on  the  collec- 
tor's list,  and  these  would  have  to  agree  as  to  exact  names 
and  address. 

It  is  by  such  means  that  fraud  can  be  absolutely  pre- 
vented, and  that,  too,  without  the  necessity  of  the  expen- 
sive and  non-effectual  registration  system  now  in  force  in 
large  cities. 

I  St.  The  collection  list  would  make  known,  six 
months  in  advance,  who  were  the  voters  and  where  they 
resided. 

2d.  A  printed  copy  of  this  list  in  the  hands  of  the 
judges  and  clerks  of  election  would  be  a  complete  regis- 
tration. 

3d.  The  signature  of  each  voter  who  appeared  at  the 
polls  to  the  book  in  his  own  handwriting,  when  compared 
with  the  name  on  the  printed  copy  of  the  collector's 
record,  would  be  a  complete  guaranty  that  that  particular 
individual  was  a  lawful  voter  and  that  he  could  read 
and  write  English. 

4th.  The  total  number  of  recorded  votes  could  not  be 
in  excess  of  the  collector's  list. 

5th.  If  there  remained  say  one  thousand  uncast  votes, 
that  is,  if  one  thousand  or  any  other  number  of  men 
recorded  on  the  collector's  list  failed  to  appear,  it  would 
be,  in  the  first  place,  difficult  for  the  clerks  or  judges  or 
any  one  else  to  forge  their  names  and  then  count  the 
votes,  for  the  penalty  for  such  fraud  would  be  very 
severe  ;  but  an  additional  safeguard,  and  an  effectual 
one,  would  be  the  requirement  that  the  names  of  all 
14 


210  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

men  who  were  recorded  on  the  poll-book  should  be 
reported  to  the  postmaster  and  by  him  printed  on  lists 
and  held  ready  for  delivery  to  any  man  who  should 
apply  for  six  months  after  the  election.  Thus,  if  John 
Smith  or  Joe  Jones,  living  at  No.  lo  Mulberry  Lane, 
should  find  their  names  on  the  postmaster's  list  when 
they  were  not  near  the  polls  on  election  day,  it  might,  in 
fact  would,  almost  certainly  send  the  clerks  and  judges 
of  that  poll  to  the  State  prison.  The  fact  is,  the  system 
would  be  so  simple  and  complete  that  frauds  would 
not  be  attem-pted,  and  the  question  of  ballot  reform 
would  be  forever  and  effectually  settled.  In  all  elec- 
tions, that  is,  State  and  municipal  as  well  as  national, 
the  collector's  list  would  be  the  only  authorized  and 
legal  list  of  voters  ;  but  the  localities  would  sometimes 
differ  in  their  method  of  counting  the  votes  as  cast. 
The  registry  box  and  no  ballot  is  to  be  preferred,  but  to 
have  one  of  these  for  every  candidate  for  every  little 
office  would  sometimes  be  considered  too  expensive. 

Every  candidate  could,  however,  provide  one  for  him- 
self. The  State  should  incur  the  expense  of  printing 
tickets  at  all  elections  for  State  and  local  offices,  and 
the  Federal  Government,  through  the  collector's  office, 
could  provide  all  boxes  and  other  appliances  for  national 
elections.  Boxes  could  be  provided  for  all  recognized 
candidates  of  any  party  organization,  and,  as  stated, 
independent  candidates  could  either  provide  boxes  for 
themselves  or  trust  to  the  v»ill  of  their  supporter  to  drop 
ballots  into  the  box,  in  which  case  the  ballots  and  records 
of  the  boxes  must,  when  aggregated,  equal  the  number 
of  signatures  on  the  books. 

Usually  there  would  be  but  few  independent  candi- 
dates. Nearly  every  man  who  ran  for  office  would  be 
the  prearranged  nominee  of  a  very  considerable  party. 


rilROXOCKACV  211 

The  voters  would  be  of  a  higher  character,  and  would 
usually  have  their  minds  made  up  in  advance,  so  that 
any  claptrap  hoodlum  who  sought  to  create  a  sensation 
would  usually  count  only  his  labor  for  his  pains,  and 
such  would  be  few. 

The  qualification  for  suffrage  as  set  forth  in  the 
amendment  is  the  ability  to  read  and  write  the  English 
language  and  be  the  lawful  owner  of  property  in  value 
not  less  than  $500.  This  property  should  be  either  real 
estate  to  said  value,  which  really  signifies  practically  that 
the  voter  must  own  real  estate  (for  almost  any  piece  of 
real  estate  in  America  is  worth  that  amount  of  money),  or 
it  must  be  government  bonds,  or  both,  aggregating  said 
amount.  Real  estate  can  be  seen  and  has  a  value  known 
in  effect  to  all,  and  government  bonds  likewise  have  a 
value  that  is  known  to  all  ;  hence  it  would  be  impossible 
for  the  collector  to  admit  to  his  list  as  a  voter  (who  might 
be  one  of  his  chums)  any  man  on  the  presentation  of 
a  security  that  was  practically  worthless.  Since  the 
rate  of  taxation  on  $500  would  be  so  very  insignificant 
the  collector  or  any  candidate  for  office  might  issue  to 
his  friends  valueless  stock  certificates  or  worthless  bonds, 
and  pay  the  tax  thereon  just  for  the  purpose  of  secur- 
ing the  vote  of  the  individual,  but  this  could  not  so  well 
be  done  (in  fact  it  would  be  too  expensive)  as  the  real 
estate  or  government  bonds — both  of  which  would  always 
have  a  value  readily  ascertainable.  The  only  way  to 
purify  the  electoral  system  is  to  purify  it,  and  though 
some  educated  individuals  would  not  have  the  $500,  and 
though  some  men  owning  many  times  $500  could  not 
write  their  names,  yet  this  would  be  their  misfortune,  as 
the  community  has  already  suffered  too  long  the  prostitu- 
tion of  its  public  affairs,  to  listen  longer  to  such  puerile 
complaints  as  would  be  made  by  these  individuals.     It  is 


212  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

"  Get  there,  Ely,  or  stay  out,  and  you  need  not  whine 
about  it  either."  The  rigidity  of  the  law  would  work 
much  good  with  the  people.  Citizenship  would  have 
character  and  value  and  be  prized.  There  would  be  a 
reward  held  out  first  for  merit  then  for  energy.  The 
masses  would  be  encouraged  to  learn  something  and  to 
save  something.  Not  only  would  the  recpirement  as  to 
the  possession  either  of  government  bonds  or  real  estate 
be  made  unconditional  for  the  reasons  named  above,  but 
because  it  would  increase  the  firmness  and  stability  of 
the  Federal  Government.  Residents  of  States  who  would 
acquire  their  right  to  citizenship  by  the  ownership  of 
the  securities  of  the  government  of  the  nation  would 
not  want  to  see  that  nation  dismembered.  Owners  of 
real  estate  are  likewise  conservative.  The  amount  would 
not  be  large,  but  it  would  be  sufficient,  and  if  not  so 
could  be  increased. 

The  widow's  mite  is  more  than  Croesus'  wealth  in 
insuring  conservatism  of  purpose.  It  is  not  a  question 
of  how  much  a  man  might  own,  but  the  very  fact  that  he 
owns  anything  is  a  perfect  guaranty  and  sufficient  evi- 
dence of  a  trustworthy  and  frugal  man  to  entitle  him 
to  its  privileges.  The  bonds  of  the  government  for 
this  purpose  should  bear  say  two  per  cent,  interest 
only,  and  then  of  course  be  subjected  to  the  cumulative 
rate.  They  would  not  be  intended  as  an  investment  for 
profit,  but  for  citizenship  ;  hence  no  capitalist  would 
seek  their  possession  in  large  amounts.  They  should  be 
on  sale  at  every  post-office  in  the  country  in  amounts  of 
ten  dollars  and  upwards,  so  that  any  frugal  man  could 
gradually  accumulate  his  competency  for  citizenship  by 
small  monthly  purchases.  Thus  would  the  government 
be  made  a  kind  of  savings-bank  for  the  people,  and  it 
would  be  found  that  many  voters  would  acquire  their 
eligibility  with  these  bonds. 


PHRONOCRACV  213 

On  the  basis  of  the  voting  population  of  1890,  it  is 
estimated  that  not  more  than  15,000  thereof  own  fully 
half  the  property,  and  if  the  qualification  system  was  in 
force  it  might  possibly  be  that,  of  the  ten  million  voters, 
one  third,  or  about  three  million,  would  acquire  eligi- 
bility. There  might  after  the  system  became  operative 
be  only  about  one  fourth  of  the  adult  males  of  the  coun- 
try who  would  be  entitled  to  suffrage,  and  this,  too,  after 
years  had  passed,  during  which  in  anticipation  of  its 
inevitable  adoption  preparation  could  have  been  and 
doubtless  would  be  to  a  certain  extent  made.  On  this 
basis  not  more  than  three  out  of  twelve  million  would 
have  voted  in  1890.  One  half  of  this  three  million  at 
least  would  acquire  their  eligibility  by  investments  in 
bonds,  so  that  on  the  basis  of  the  vote  of  1890  there 
would  have  been  issued  by  the  government  for  citizen- 
ship purposes  the  considerable  sum  of  at  least  seven 
hundred  million  dollars  of  bonds.  In  1920,  on  the  basis 
of  past  increase,  population  will  be  doubled,  and  by  rea- 
son of  the  equalizing  effects  of  the  cumulative  tax,  half 
the  property,  instead  of  being  owned  by  about  one  four- 
hundreth  of  the  voters  who  are  supposed  to  own  it  in 
1890,  will  doubtless  be  owned  by  a  much  larger  propor- 
tion. In  other  words,  there  would  be  in  any  event  about 
six  million  votes  in  all  in  1920,  out  of  a  total  population 
of  say  120,000,000  and  a  male  population  of  20,000,000. 
Each  year  would  add  to  the  list  of  voters  proportionately 
to  the  non-voters,  but  there  never  will,  if  in  fact  there 
ever  should,  cornea  time  when  all  men  would  own  prop- 
erty even  in  small  amounts.  In  1920  there  should  be 
3,000,000  voters  acquiring  eligibility  from  the  posses- 
sion of  the  two  per  cent,  bonds,  and  if  so  the  govern- 
m.en-t  would  be  in  debt  to  its  citizens — distributed  in 
all  parts  of  the  Union — to  the  extent  of.  one  billion 
five    hundred    million    dollars.       This  maximum    would 


214  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

accumulate  slowly  and  it  would  be  about  the  only  debt 
the  government  should  owe,  and  that  to  its  own  citizens, 
which  would  cause  national  pride  in  America  to  be 
almost  if  not  quite  as  prominent  a  characteristic  of  the 
people  as  it  has  always  been  in  France.  The  accumula- 
tion of  money  in  the  treasury  by  reason  of  the  sale  of 
these  bonds  might  render  it  unnecessary  some  years  for 
the  government  to  impose  all  the  cumulative  tax,  and  it 
could  be  horizontally  cut  down  for  certain  periods. 
Frequently  the  amount  in  the  treasury  might  be  suffi- 
cient for  the  government's  needs  ;  but,  of  course,  as 
bonds  began  to  mature  the  tax  would  have  to  be  applied 
to  such  an  extent  as  was  necessary  to  meet  the  current 
expense  as  well  as  to  provide  for  maturities.  This  would 
be  a  matter  of  easy  regulation  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  and  Congress  w'ould  simply,  upon  the  Treas- 
urer's report,  instruct  the  collectors  to  increase  or  reduce 
the  cumulative  tax  a  certain  specific  percentum.  It 
might  never  occur  that  the  cumulative  levy  would  have 
to  be  reduced,  but  if  so  it  would  be  simple  and  unaltered 
in  its  relative  bearing  on  the  large  and  small  estates. 
The  property  valuation  of  the  country  will  continue 
well  apace  with  the  increase  in  population  at  the 
ratio  of  about  i,ooo  per  head,  so  that  in  1920  the 
valuation  will  be,  if  things  continue,  about  one  hundred 
and  twenty  billion,  and  what  is  more  and  better,  it  may 
be  owned  by  over  six  million  men,  and  each  year  the 
number  of  individual  owners  may  be  increasing  instead  ' 
of  diminishing,  as  is  the  case  before  the  cumulative 
balance  wheel  to  society  is  applied.  The  annual  expense 
of  the  Federal  Government  should  not  be  proportionately 
increased,  but  should  remain  not  much  greater  than 
three  hundred  million,  which  amount  would  doubtless  be 
fully  secured  by  the  cumulative  levy. 


PIIRONOCRACY  21  $ 

It  may  be  argued  by  the  capitalists  that  $500  in  real 
estate  or  government  bonds  is  not  enough,  or  that  design- 
ing politicians  could  make  votes  at  their  pleasure,  or  that 
a  candidate  for  office  could  transfer  temporarily  a  small 
piece  of  land  or  $500  in  bonds  to  non-voting  individu- 
als with  the  understanding  that  it  be  returned  after 
election.  This  objection  is  acknowledged,  but  the  can- 
didate would  have  to  be  out  of  pocket  for  six  months. 
Every  dollar  thus  transferred  would  be  unlawful,  and  to 
secure  many  votes  the  candidate's  purse  would  have  to 
be  long,  and  then,  if  after  election  the  collector  would 
find  that  many  voters  were  making  re-transfers,  his  sus- 
picions and  that  of  the  public  would  be  aroused,  and  the 
candidate  might  soon  wear  stripes  as  the  fruit  of  his 
generosity.  Furthermore,  $500,  whilst  but  little  to  mil- 
lionaires, is  considerable  to  the  average  candidate.  If  a 
man  deserved  election  to  Congress  he  would  have  to 
secure  over  ten  thousand  votes.  If  he  should  think 
himself  short  one  thousand  votes,  he  would  require 
$500,000  for  six  months,  with  much  trouble  as  to  its 
return  and  heavy  penalty  for  the  wrong,  altogether  ren- 
dering it  extremely  improbable  that  he  would  pursue  this 
course.  If  he  should,  however,  desire  so  to  do,  he  would 
find  it  just  that  much  more  difficult  of  accomplishment 
than  under  any  previous  system.  When,  as  seems  to  be 
the  probable  condition  even  under  cumulative  tax  laws, 
one  four-hundredth  of  the  voters  may  own  one  half  the 
property,  and  one  third  the  remaining  male  people  the 
other  half,  there  will  not  be,  on  a  basis  of  $1,000  wealth 
per  capita,  too  many  $500  bills  remaining  to  make  suf- 
frage too  common,  and  at  any  rate  it  would  be  less 
common  and  of  purer  character  than  under  any  other 
system.  Furthermore,  the  amendment  can  provide  that 
it  may  be  increased  to  $5,000  by  simple  act  of  Congress, 


2l6  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

or  the  cumulative  levy  could  be  decreased  to  half  cent 
per  thousand,  making  ten  million  the  maximum  instead 
of  five.  It  is  thought  wise  and  prudent  not  to  go  too  far 
too  soon.  Later  the  former  could  be  increased,  if  the 
increase  should  be  found  desirable,  but  as  a  beginning 
$500  is  ample  and  will  work  wondrous  results.  It  is  just 
about  as  low  as  anybody  thought  it  could  be,  and  yet 
enough  to  elevate  the  tone  of  suffrage,  increase  the 
character  of  representation  and  the  stability  of  govern- 
mental institutions  and  the  natural  rights  of  property  to 
an  amazing  extent,  and  ten  millions  is  thought  to  be  too 
high  a  limit  for  one  individual's  estate. 

The  native- American  agitation  called  the  "  Know- 
Nothing  "  party  had  for  its  objects  the  Americanization 
of  the  nation  and  the  elevation  of  the  character  of  suf- 
frage. It  w^as  held  that  no  man  should  hold  office  or  vote 
until  he  had  been  in  the  country  full  one-and-twenty 
years.  This  party  failed  to  acquire  any  ascendancy, 
though  to  a  certain  extent  its  purposes  were  sound. 

It  was,  in  fact,  to  such  an  extent  anathematized  and 
scorned  that  those  who,  in  1890,  had  ever  had  any  sym- 
pathy with  or  attachment  to  the  organization  were  almost 
proscribed  from  participation  in  all  public  affairs.  There 
is  no  good  reason  why  a  foreigner  could  not  become  a 
good  citizen.  America  is  so  far  removed  from  the  na- 
tional contentions  and  strife  that  characterize  all  Europe 
that  it  is  in  no  sense  complicated  thereby.  It  is  far 
better  that  a  reputable,  educated,  naturalized  foreigner 
who  owns  property  should  vote,  than  that  a  disreputable, 
ignorant,  and  indigent  native  should  exercise  that  privi- 
lege ;  for  one  is  responsible  and  the  other  is  not  ;  one, 
though  he  has  been  but  five  years  in  the  country,  yet  has 
sworn  to  support  its  laws  and  aid  in  its  defence,  and  as 
a  better  guaranty  of  his  ability  and  sincerity  he  has  be- 


PHRONOCRACY  21/ 

come  possessed  of  some  of  its  property,  perhaps  some 
of  its  bonds,  and  having  learned  to  speak,  read,  and  write 
English,  is  capable  of  becoming  informed  as  to  its 
governmental  and  commercial  policy.  Of  the  participa- 
tion of  this  man  in  suffrage  there  need  never  be  any 
fear,  and  there  is  no  good  sense  in  naming  twenty-one 
years  as  the  minimum  of  residence  if  proper  qualifica- 
tion could  be  attained  in  five. 

Many  native-born  Americans  are  not  fit  to  vote  in  forty 
years,  b.ut  yet  some  foreigners  might  be  qualified  in  one 
year.  However,  five  years  is  thought  to  be  a  reasonable 
period  of  residence  to  enable  a  foreigner  to  determine 
whether  or  not  he  desires  to  become  a  citizen,  and  this 
period  should  not  be  altered.  Any  foreigner,  after  that 
time,  who  takes  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  can  speak, 
read,  and  write  the  English  language  and  has  acquired 
property,  should  vote. 

This  will  make  a  better  citizen  and  more  worthy  voter 
than  simply  twenty-one  years  of  residence,  if  he  remains 
yet  comparatively  a  pauper  and  an  ignoramus. 

To  the  presidency  alone  is  a  foreign-born  man  not 
eligible,  and  this  is  perhaps  proper  from  a  standpoint  of 
national  pride,  a  feeling  peculiar  to  all  people.  The 
foreign  element  of  the  States  who  own  property  are 
numbered  among  its  best  and  most  substantial  citizens, 
and  are  always  law-abiding  and  conservative.  The  wild- 
eyed  anarchist,  who  would  pillage,  kill,  and  burn,  never 
owns  property,  and  when  he  becomes  an  owner  he  is 
never  an  anarchist.  It  is  held  that  the  inability  to  ob- 
tain work  causes  men  to  become  furious  against  the  pos- 
sessors of  property  to  a  greater  extent  than  the  prompt- 
ings of  envy  or  a  disposition  to  force  a  divide.  It  does 
appear  rather  severe  that  a  man  who  is  willing  and 
anxious  to  do  so  cannot  toil.     Yet  this  is  undeniably  the 


21 8  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

case  in  very  many  instances  ;  but  it  is  simply  a  relative 
condition  as  compared  with  the  state  of  his  fellows,  and 
unavoidable  from  the  very  nature  of  society  ;  in  other 
words,  it  is  his  own  misfortune,  resulting  principally 
from  his  own  inaction  or  imprudence  ;  but  it  may  have 
been  brought  about  by  accident.  Lightning  may  have 
prostrated  him  in  the  street,  causing  him  to  be  unable  to 
labor  ;  hence,  naturally,  if  he  ever  had  one,  he  would, 
unless  very  worthy,  be  apt  to  lose  his  job.  A  poor 
devil  sometimes  can't  get  work — that  is,  cannot  toil,  so 
likewise  does  a  lawyer  sometimes  sit  in  his  office  for  long 
and  weary  days  and  receive  no  clientage,  so  also  a  doc- 
tor may  for  many  days  have  no  patients,  and  both  of 
these  men  are  idle  ;  that  is,  they  can't  get  work,  they 
can't  toil.  So,  likewise,  is  a  merchant  or  manufacturer 
at  times  bereft  of  business,  he  has  no  orders  and  cannot 
run  his  mill  ;  so  not  only  is  his  time  going  to  waste,  but 
his  capital,  accumulated  under  the  natural  operations  of 
trade  and  by  his  frugality  and  energy,  is  slipping  from 
under  his  feet.  The  conditions  of  these  three  citizens 
in  three  different  avocations  are  precisely  alike — they  can- 
not toil.  The  latter  class,  however,  by  dint  of  their  in- 
herent excellence  have  made  more  hay  while  the  sun 
was  shining  than  they  used  during  that  period  ;  hence, 
though  they  cannot  perhaps  for  a  long  period  toil^  have 
conserved  the  results  of  previous  toil,  and  can  live  until 
the  unfortunate  situation  has  passed.  The  laboring  man, 
or  rather  the  profligate  labormg  man,  who  has  not  con- 
served the  result  of  his  energies,  must  suffer  actual  want, 
just  as  should  the  other  three  under  similar  circum- 
stances and  conditions.  Much,  but  not  all,  poverty  is 
the  result  of  human  worthlessness  and  improvidence. 

That  which  comes  from  accident  and  disease  is  the 
result  of  misfortune.      It  would  be  especially  desirable 


PHRONOCKACV  2I9 

upon  the  part  of  society  to  lift  the  pangs  of  want  from 
the  shoulders  of  the  latter,  and  even  to  a  certain  extent 
from  the  heads  of  the  former,  and  it  is  now  done  to  the 
greatest  extent  possible,  in  the  maintenance  of  houses 
for  the  poor,  and  hospitals  for  the  sick  and  the  maimed. 
To  extend  it  farther  would  be  to  place  a  premium  on 
idleness  and  malingery. 

Therefore,  if  by  reason  of  improvidence  or  accident 
a  man  is  dragged  down,  his  condition  is  simply  a 
relative  one  when  compared  with  his  fellows.  He  is 
not,  therefore,  entitled  to  their  support  except  in  cases 
of  direst  extremity.  To  deprive  a  man  of  citizenship 
because  he  has  by  dint  of  misfortune  been  deprived 
of  property,  is  claimed  to  be  a  double  calamity  ;  but 
it  is  decided  to  be  more  unjust  to  deprive  another 
man  of  most  of  his  wealth  and  then  subject  that  which 
remains  to  the  vote  of  the  anarchist.  Partial  wrong 
may  be  done  to  both,  but  it  is  to  the  interest  of  society 
that  it  should  be  so.  The  system  of  voting,  therefore, 
that  excludes  the  lowly,  the  indigent,  and  the  depraved, 
should  be  held  in  its  integrity,  and  all  other  efforts  at 
reforming  the  ballot  should  be  abandoned.  Half  the 
population  of  America  is  suburban,  yet  the  agricultural 
classes  seldom  elect  a  governor  in  any  State.  Under 
the  cumulative  and  qualification  system  the  rural  vote 
v/ould  be  increased  ;  that  is,  it  would  be  decreased  less 
than  the  city  vote  ;  so  that  in  the  aggregate  it  would 
count  almost  two  votes  to  one.  This  is  the  remedy  for 
the  Farfners'  Alliance. 

Prior  to  the  inauguration  of  this  system  the  Federal 
Congress  will  almost  always  be  composed  of  about  three 
fifths  lawyers,  and  the  upper  branch  of  same  will  be 
about  four  fifths  millionaires  and  upwards.  This  can  be 
entirely  changed.     The   rural   classes  can  have  largely 


220  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

increased  representation,  and  the  lawyers  can  be  reduced 
to  about  one  fifth  the  whole.  Merchants  and  manufac- 
turers, who  have  accumulated  that  amount  beyond  which 
the  cumulative  rate  forbade  them  to  go,  will  become 
what  in  France  is  called  the  Rentier,  that  is,  a  man  re- 
tired from  business  and  living  on  his  income. 

This  class   of  citizens  being  then   exempt  from    the 
cares  of  business  could  engage  to  a  greater  extent  than 
heretofore  in  politics,  and  the  result  would  be  that  almost 
all  industries,  as  well  as  the  agriculturistr;^  would  have 
very  considerable  representation.     This  would  produce 
good    legislation,    and    such    as    would    be    adapted   to 
the  multifarious  wants  of  the  country.     The  large  cities 
would   more  frequently  send  lawyers  than  those   situ- 
ated in  districts  which  were  part  rural  and  part  urban. 
There    would    be   no    longer   any  question    in  political 
discussion  as  to  tariffs,  taxes,  protection,  and  the  like. 
All  parties  would  recognize  and  admit  that  the  general 
government  has  no  power,  either  express  or  implied,  to 
tax  the   people    for   any  purpose   whatsoever,  save  for 
revenue  ;  that  all  systems  of  protection,  of  subsidy,  of 
bonuses,  and  the  like  are  retroactive  and  discriminating, 
and  since  the  mode  and  method  of  obtaining  revenue 
would  be  positively  fixed  on  the  basis  of  the  cumulative 
rate  of  all  property,  as  assessed  by  the  respective  con- 
gressional collectors,  there  would  remain  nothing  relative 
to  or  in  any  way  bearing  upon  this  subject  for  Congress 
to  perform,  save   to  impose  a  percentum  of  horizontal 
increase  or  decrease,  as  the  annual  report  of  the  Secre- 
tary  of    the  Treasury  might    indicate   to  be  necessary. 
Thus  the  whole  matter  of  taxes,  tariff,  and  the  like,  that 
has  for  years    occupied    most  all  the  attention   of   the 
federal  legislature  and  caused  widespread  differences  of 
opinion  as   to  the  special  rate  imposed  on  different  ar- 


PIIROXOCRACV  221 

tides  of  import,  and  which  has  forced  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means  to  listen  to  the  tiresome  and  useless 
harangues  of  representatives  of  special  interests,  would 
be  entirely  set  aside,  so  that  the  attention  of  the  repre- 
sentatives could  be  with  more  deliberation  directed  to 
matters  of  greater  import.  So  universally  recognized 
also  would  become  the  principle  that  Congress  should 
deal  less  with  individual  affairs — that  is,  legislate  less 
with  and  as  regards  matters  of  individual  determination, 
that  the  sessions  would  usually  be  very  much  shorter. 
In  years  gone  by  the  average  representative  has  begun 
to  look  upon  himself  as  the  master  or  guardian  of  the 
people,  rather  than  as  their  agent,  chosen  to  do  their 
bidding  in  conformity  with  his  wisest  discretion  for  the 
greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number.  Members  in  for- 
mer years  have  actually  introduced  bills  not  alone  for 
the  prevention  of  the  importation  of 'merchandise,  thus 
preventing  the  people  from  availing  themselves  of  the 
world's  cheapest  and  best  markets  and  causing  unjust 
discrimination  to  certain  individuals,  but  greater  and 
more  ridiculous  and  presumptuous  has  been  their  folly 
in  endeavoring  to  pass  laws  forbidding  individuals  from 
selling  their  lands  to  any  one  save  a  citizen  of  the 
country.  The  people  should  become  indignant,  and 
justly  so,  at  such  interference  with  the  natural  laws  of 
barter  and  exchange.  "  Why,"  it  may  be  asked,  "  do 
not  these  congressional  idiots  and  fools  let  us  alone  ? 
Do  they  think  we  need  guardians  ?  If  so  our  local 
courts  can  appoint  same,  and  we  will  apply  for  congres- 
sional aid  to  assist  the  local  courts  when  we  desire,  and 
not  before.  Do  they  think  that  because  they  are  daft 
we  are  also,  on  the  theory  that  a  drunken  man  thinks 
everybody  else  drunk  ?  "  For  years  it  has  been  recog- 
nized that  a  citizen  could  take  up  and  nccujiy  the  public 


222  POLITICS    AM)    PROPERTY 

domain,  from  which  he  is  entitled  to  one  hundred  and 
sixty  acres,  and  though  efforts  are  frequently  made,  no 
law  should  be  passed  that  will  prevent  citizens  from  sell- 
ing whatever  they  own  to  whomsoever  will  pay  them 
their  price. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

Trade,  money,  work,  and  wages — Convict  labor  no  great  harm  to 
honest  labor — Corporal  punishment  should  be  resumed  for  small 
crimes — Child  labor — Eight-hour  agitation — Scientific  invention 
no  obstacle  to  labor — Causes  of  increased  urban  population — 
Circulating  medium  :  money  ;  gold  coin  the  best — Qualities  the 
circulating  medium  should  possess — Silver  money,  iron  money — 
Government  "fiat"  money  as  good  as  the  government's  sov- 
ereignty— Must  be  redeemable  in  something  representing  the 
value  of  labor — Increased  quantity  not  beneficial — Purchases 
forced  on  the  government  wrong,  and  should  be  stopped — Gold, 
and  gold  only,  finally  adopted  ;  no  double  standard — Banks  and 
banking — National  banks  continued. 

The  supposed  evil  effects  from  immigration  and  other 
incidental  economic  questions  having  been  frequently 
discussed,  and  the  public  mind  also  placed  at  rest  on  the 
question  of  the  over-population  of  a  country  capable  of 
sustaining  one  billion  or  more,  when  it  has  less  than  one 
tenth  that  num.ber ;  and  since  protection  tariffs  have 
been  by  many  admitted  to  be  useless  and  discriminating, 
there  naturally  arise  other  questions,  which  should  have 
their  full  share  of  consideration,  but  it  is  useless  to  at- 
tempt to  regulate  everything  by  legislation  directed  to 
each  supposed  wrong  in  its  individual  capacity.  Some 
people  have  brought  forth  the  argument  that  the  labor 
of  convicts  in  prisons  causes  such  competition  with  free 
and  honest  labor  outside  that  this  must  be  stopped  ; 
others  have  opposed  by  saying  that  it  is  better  to  make 
them  work  than  to  maintain  them  in  idleness.     If  it  cost 

12-\ 


224  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

one  dollar  per  week  to  board  and  clothe  a  convict,  he 
had  better  be  made  to  earn  it  than  to  be  idling  away  his 
time  ;  others  have  persisted  in  saying  that  a  man  boarded 
and  clothed  at  one  dollar  per  week  would  interfere  with 
the  work  and  wages  of  honest  men,  causing  them  to 
suffer  a  reduction  in  pay,  so  that  it  would  become  only 
a  question  how  many  men  would  become  convicts  and 
work  at  one  dollar  per  week  until  all  outside  labor  would 
be  receiving  the  same  insufficient  pay,  and  that  this  condi- 
tion is  now  alarming,  and  must  be  stopped.  Others  have 
very  wisely  replied  that  the  condition  could  not  be  alarm- 
ing, because  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  convicts  would  not  be  so 
numerous,  but,  at  any  rate,  if  wages  were  forced  down  to 
one  dollar  per  week  everybody  would  find  that  the  said 
dollar  would  buy  a  great  deal  more  than  a  dollar  now 
does,  if  not  quite  as  much  as  do  their  ordinary  wages. 
Still  the  question  of  convict  labor  is  assuming  some 
scope. 

The  prisons  are  filling  rapidly  ;  in  fact  it  is  said  that 
many  residents  of  the  slums  of  the  large  cities  would,  but 
for  the  fact  that  they  could  not  sell  their  votes,  about  as 
soon  be  in  the  pen  as  any  other  residence,  and  about  as 
soon  be  called  a  convict  as  any  other  name  (for  if  called 
a  rose  he  would  smell  as  sweet),  yet  he  does  not  like  to 
be  deprived  of  his  chance  to  sell  his  vote  for  a  drink. 
Thus  universal  suffrage  has  perhaps  one  argument  in  its 
favor  ;  it  does  tend  to  prevent  the  drunkards  from  volun- 
tarily entering  the  penitentiary. 

However,  the  question  as  to  what  is  the  best  thing  to 
be  done  with  convicts  calls  for  attention.  Their  labor 
does  not  seriously  interfere  with  outside  labor  because 
many  of  the  inmates  have  become  defaulting  bank 
cashiers  and  they  do  little  work,  yet  the  prisons  are 
becoming  crowded.     The  reason  for  this  is  that  about 


PHRONOCRACY  22$ 

the  only  penalty  for  crime  that  the  sentimentalists  of  the 
country  consider  not  barbarous  is  imprisonment,  and  this 
has  to  be  prescribed  for  all.  Not  so  much  by  reason  of 
the  fact  that  convict  labor  is  interfering  with  outside 
labor,  but  because  many  seem  to  have  become  so  de- 
praved that  they  care  little  for  incarceration,  is  it  found 
absolutely  necessary  to  alter  the  universally  prevailing 
plan  of  punishment  by  imprisonment.  Thus  for  small 
and  petty  offences — such  as  would  put  a  culprit  in  jail 
for  from  one  to  five  months — notwithstanding  the  outcry 
of  the  sentimentalists  which  hitherto  has  prevented  many 
a  good  alteration  in  the  affairs  of  the  state,  corporal 
punishment  should  be  reinstated  in  all  the  States  of  the 
Union  ;  that  is,  instead  of  sending  a  man  to  prison  to 
become  worthless,  from  enforced  idleness,  more  de- 
praved, if  possible,  from  evil  association,  confirmed  in 
his  lowliness  and  dejection  by  being  constantly  in  that 
environment,  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  if  occupied,  to 
compete  with  honest  labor,  they  should  thrash  him  for  his 
misdemeanors  and  then  let  him  go.  Some  punishment 
has  to  be  inflicted  and  experience  has  shown  this  to 
be  the  best.  The  culprit  would  then  be  no  longer  a 
charge  upon  the  state,  he  would  earn  his  own  bread, 
or  receive  none,  and  the  effect  would  be  very  whole- 
some. Many  now  serve  a  short  sentence,  are  liberated, 
and  then  return  for  a  simil-ar  offence,  but  few  who  would 
receive  the  lash  would  want  it  soon  again.  Thus  could 
the  prisons  be  purged  and  the  annoyance,  slight  as  it  is, 
to  outside  labor  settled  and  prevented. 

Then  comes  the  questions  of  child  labor,  eight-hour 
day,  and  "  kindred  cries  for  kinder  keep."  It  does  not 
look  proper  on  the  face  of  the  papers  to  see  little  chil- 
dren forced  to  toil,  but  their  parents  must  be  able  to  care 

for  them  otherwise  or  the  state  must  take  them  in  charge, 
15 


226  '       POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

and  then  comes  the  old  question  "  what  can  the  state 
do  ?  "  "  how  far  can  it  go  ?  "  without  encouraging  idleness 
and  inviting  malingery. 

Would  not  many  parents  feign  inability  to  provide 
so  as  to  put  their  children  on  to  the  state  for  support  ? 
Such  not  only  appears  to  be  a  reasonable  probability  but 
it  certainly  v.'ould  be  the  case,  so  that  public  houses  for  the 
care  of  children  can  safely  be  maintained  only  to  the  ex- 
tent of  actual  necessity  and  in  cases  of  proven  worth,  so 
that  able-bodied  children  cannot  be  admitted  ;  hence 
some  are  obliged  to  work  for  the  simple  reason  that  their 
father,  either  by  idleness,  negligence,  misfortune,  stu- 
pidity, or  for  some  other  cause,  has  failed  to  provide  for 
their  sustenance  in  idleness.  Either  these  children  must 
bide  these  unavoidable  results  or  they  must  be  put  aside 
with  their  mothers,  and  their  mothers  pensioned  till  they 
reach  a  self-sustaining  age,  and  this  appears  to  be  im- 
practicable, though  much  favored  by  many  of  the  women 
of  the  world. 

Then  comes  the  eight-hour  discussion.  It  looks  well 
on  the  face  of  the  papers.  One  third  of  the  time  for  re- 
freshment and  ease,  one  third  for  labor,  and  one  third  for 
enjoyment  and  pleasure  tickles  the  ear.  Likewise  does  it 
look  reasonable  that  if  working  hours  are  reduced  more 
men  could  secure  jobs.  If  lo  men  do  a  certain  job  on 
the  lo-hour  basis  in  lo  days  it  would  certainly  require  i 
man  loo  days  to  do  that  job  at  lo  hours  per  day,  and 
it  would  take  8  men  12^-  days  to  do  it  at  10  hours  per 
day  ;  hence  it  must  take  at  least  12^  men  to  do  it  at 
8  hours  per  day,  or  if  the  hours  of  labor  are  reduced  one 
fifth,  or  20  per  cent.,  that  reduction  is  equivalent  to  an  in- 
crease of  25  per  cent.,  so  that  one  fourth  the  number  of 
men,  in  addition  to  those  at  first  employed,  would  be  re- 
quired, and  this  alone  would  give  employment  to  at  least 


PiiRo\(^(^RArv  227 

from  1,000,000  to  2,000,000  men  in  America,  frequently 
doomed  to  perpetual  idleness  for  at  least  one  fourth  of 
their  time.  Hence  great  and  widespread  has  been  the  sup- 
port of  the  eight-hour  day.  People  should  reflect  that  if 
an  inch  is  cut  off  one  end  of  a  stick  and  then  pasted  on 
to  the  other  the  stick  is  no  shorter.  How  could  an  em- 
ployer, in  the  general  outcome  of  the  thing,  pay  as  much 
for  S  hours'  work  as  he  formerly  paid  for  10  hours'  work 
without  advancing  the  price  of  his  product  ?  or  it  is  cer- 
tainly clear  that  if  he  is  obliged  to  pay  12^  men  the  same 
price  per  day  that  he  previously  paid  to  10,  that  excess 
must  be  added  to  the  price  of  his  goods  or  he  would  soon 
become  bankrupt. 

Ten  men  at  ^2.00  per  day  cost  $20.00  per  day.  Twelve 
and  one  half  men  at  $2.00  cost  325.00,  so  that  $5  has 
been  added  to  this  cost  of  the  product  and  must  be  added 
to  the  price — why  not  ?  Thus  it  becomes  self-evident 
that  the  eight-hour  law  would  mean  in  the  end  either  one 
of  two  things,  to  wit  :  Wages  would  be  reduced  20  per 
cent,  or  the  price  of  products  would  be  increased  20 
per  cent.  What  matters  it  to  the  workman  whether  he 
receives  $2.00  per  day  and  to  obtain  the  necessaries  of 
life  he  is  obliged  to  spend  90  per  cent,  of  that,  or  whether 
he  receives  $1.80  and  is  obliged  to  spend  90  per  cent,  of 
that  ?  Thus  it  must  be  acknowledged  that,  it  matters  not 
how  plausible  it  looks  on  the  outside,  in  the  general  wind- 
up  there  would  be  nothing  in  it  except  the  happy  realiza- 
tion of  the  fancied  dream,  which  is  in  itself  considerable, 
that  "  one  third  for  work  and  one  third  for  play  and  one 
third  to  sleep  the  time  away,"  is  most  conducive  to 
human  happiness. 

This  division  of  the  time  might  cause  men  to  labor 
more  earnestly  for  the  eight  hours  they  toiled,  but  then 
the  eight  hours  of  idleness  would  cause  some  to  imbibe 


228  POLITICS    AND    PROPKkTY 

too  much  grog,  which  they  would  not  do  if  engaged  for 
ten  hours,  and  so  on  to  the  end.  The  eight-hour  system 
would  be  a  very  nice  division  of  the  time,  and  for  this 
reason  might  be  better,  but  wages,  or  the  purchasing 
power  thereof,  would  not  be  relatively  changed.  The 
only  way  possible  of  maintaining  a  wage  rate  in  excess 
of  that  warranted  by  demand  is  to  control  the  supply 
by  trades  unions  or  otherwise,  and  this  can  only  be 
temporary. 

The  eight-hour  system  resulting  in  no  good,  many  re- 
formers have  begun  to  inveigh  against  the  encouragement 
of  scientific  invention  on  the  theory  that  each  machine 
that  is  invented  must  have  for  its  chief  merit  the  fact  that 
it  is  "  labor-saving,"  otherwise  it  would  be  useless  ;  that 
every  machine  that  can  be  operated  by  steam  is  neces- 
sarily a  displacement  of  that  much  energy  that  the  people 
would  otherwise  supply,  and  to  that  extent  the  laboring 
classes  are  said  to  be  injured ;  and  that  it  remains  only  a 
question  how  much  machinery  that  is  '"labor-saving" 
would  be  introduced  until  all  the  labor  would  be  saved, 
or,  in  other  words,  till  machinery  would  do  it  all.  For- 
merly, it  was  claimed  that  it  required  many  farm  hands, 
at  about  $1.50  per  day,  in  the  harvest  field  to  do  what 
one  man  and  a  team  of  horses  can  now  do  with  a  self- 
binding  reaper  in  less  than  half  the  time.  This  appears 
to  be  a  direct  interference  with  manual  toil,  as  also  do 
a  thousand  similar  devices,  from  the  manufacture  of 
needles  and  pins  to  threshing  machines  and  locomotives, 
and  some  hold  that  the  only  possible  relief  is  to  check 
the  introduction  of  "labor-saving  machinery."  It  ap- 
pears to  some  reformers  and  their  erudite  (?)  coterie  of 
megatherium  philosophers,  that  if  one  machine  would 
save  half  the  labor,  then  certainly  two  would  save  it  ail, 
and  that  enforced  idleness  and  starvation  would  be  the 


PHRON'OCkACV     *  229 

people's  inevitable  doom — a  condition  too  utterly  de- 
plorable to  be  contemplated  with  composure,  and  "that 
we  must  arise,  shake  the  dewdrops  from  our  eyes,  and 
stoutly  bid  defiance  to  the  universal  earth  !  !  "  Yes,  't  is 
true  and  't  is  a  pity  't  is  true  as  it  is.  Superficially  con- 
sidered it  does  appear  as  though  there  might  be  an  inter- 
ference, and  to  the  extent  of  changing  or,  as  it  were,  to 
a  certain  degree,  shifting  the  character  of  labor,  there  is 
an  interference. 

However,  to  the  condition  of  mankind  as  a  whole 
there  is  no  injury,  but,  on  the  contrary,  an  advantage. 
In  the  first  place,  it  certainly  requires  a  certain  amount 
of  labor  to  make  the  machine,  which,  by  reason  of  its 
previous  non-existence,  called  for  no  labor.  This  of 
course  has  a  tendency  to  convert  farm  labor  into  factory 
labor,  and  to  the  extent  that  the  conversions  could  not 
be  immediately  accomplished  there  would  be  a  dearth  of 
mechanics — of  factory  employes — or,  at  least,  a  greater 
demand  for  same,  and  a  corresponding  plethora  of  farm 
labor,  or,  at  least,  a  less  demand  for  same,  which  will 
work  a  temporary  inconvenience  which  time  alone  can 
adjust.  This  is  one  of  the  greatest  causes  for  the  in- 
crease of  the  population  of  cities  or  manufacturing 
centres  in  excess  of  or  more  rapidly  than  the  out  or  rural 
districts.  The  introduction  of  machinery  has,  to  a  cer- 
tain extent,  diminished  the  demand  for  farm  labor,  but 
has  increased  the  call  for  city  labor,  and  the  facts  are 
that  the  urban  population  of  America  has  for  many  years 
increased  much  more  rapidly  than  the  suburban,  which 
condition,  though  natural  and  unavoidable,  is  not  espe- 
cially to  be  desired. 

People,  like  grains  of  sand  or  drifting  snow,  will 
naturally  gravitate  to  places  of  least  resistance,  and  it 
is  almost  a  safe  conclusion  to  say  that  the  apparently 


230  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

crowded  conditions  of  large  manufacturing  and  com- 
mercial cities  is  not  in  fact  a  curse  but  a  necessity 
— rather  that  the  demand  for  labor  brings  them  there,  or 
that  by  reason  of  the  demand  they  come  there.  There 
are  always  thousands  of  avenues  for  occupation  in  large 
cities  that  do  not  exist  in  the  country,  and  whilst  it  is 
not  safe  to  say  that  that  which  is  is  always  the  best,  it  is 
safe  to  say  that  it  is  the  unavoidable  result  of  certain 
conditions,  and  can  only  be  altered,  if  altered  at  all,  by 
a  change  of  the  conditions.  Under  present  systems  of 
taxation,  where  it  is  not  recognized  that  individuals 
should  contribute  to  the  government  in  proportion  to 
their  ability,  and  when  it  is  held  or  supposed  that  the 
right  and  proper  thing  to  do  is  to  permit  them  to  con- 
tribute in  exact  disproportion  to  their  ability — that  is,  that 
all  of  a  poor  man's  estate  shall  be  taxed  to  full  value  and 
at  full  rate  while  one  tenth  or  less  of  a  rich  man's  estate 
is  sufficient  for  a  levy, — and  when  it  is  not  admitted  that 
by  increasing  the  rate  proportionately  to  the  property  the 
effects  of  secretiveness  could  be  almost  entirely  counter- 
acted even  if  more  efficient  means  of  assessment  should 
fail  in  its  object,  then  and  under  these  conditions  one 
man  can  become  possessed  of  a  million  men's  labor,  and 
it  is  but  the  natural  result  of  the  existing  conditions. 
This,  however,  can  only  be  altered  by  altering  the  con- 
ditions, which  can  be  done  by  "  cumulative  taxation," 
recognizing  man's  right  to  an  abundance  but  not  to  a 
redundance  of  the  world's  effects  and  property. 

The  result  of  operating  agencies  which  cause  the  in- 
creased populations  of  cities  results  in  no  serious  conse- 
quences, as  the  operations  of  natural  agencies  seldom 
do,  but  it  has  concentrated  the  poorer  classes  therein, 
which  makes  their  condition  more  glaring.  The  farmer, 
with  his  horses,  his  machines,  and  a  few  boys,  can  handle 


PHRONOCkACV  231 

a  large  crop,  thus  making  the  labor  of  many  farm  hands 
useless,  or  at  least  reducing  the  demand  for  it. 

Not  only  is  the  creation  and  manufacture  of  the 
machine  an  item  of  compensation  as  against  the  sup- 
posed interference  with  labor,  but  the  increased  facilities 
for  production  cheapens  the  article  produced,  either  by 
increasing  its  excellence  or  by  directly  decreasing  its 
price.  Likewise  also  does  increased  facility  for  the  per- 
formance of  labor  increase  the  amount  of  labor  that  will 
be  performed,  as,  for  example,  before  the  hole  was  dis- 
covered to  be  in  the  wrong  end  of  the  needle,  or  rather, 
before  sewing  machines  were  invented,  the  number  of 
ruffles  and  flounces  on  a  woman's  dress  was  not  so 
numerous  as  afterwards.  Neither  when  a  single  black- 
smith forged  a  shaft  with  his  hand,  hammer,  and  anvil 
were  such  large  shafts  forged  as  when  done  by  machinery, 
and  thus  throughout  the  list  it  will  be  found  that  in- 
creased facility  either  compensates  by  increased  cheap- 
ness or  increased  energy  the  supposed  loss  to  labor,  and 
the  temporary  inconvenience  experienced  in  converting 
that  labor  from  one  class  into  another  is  of  little  serious 
consequence.  The  entire  discussion  of  such  subjects  as 
these  presupposes  a  total  lack  of  knowledge  or  compre- 
hension of  that  fundamental  law  of  nature  which  is  "  that 
energy  cannot  be  conserved  "  ;  where  there  is  a  cause 
there  is  an  effect — where  there  is  energy  and  force  ap- 
parent there  is  action  and  motion  that  is  perceptible.  A 
machine  cannot  be  created  that  will  supplant  or  destroy 
the  exercise  of  energy  without  the  use  of  energy  in  the 
construction  of  the  machine,  and  so  on  to  the  end  of 
time.  If  scientific  inventions  were  in  fact  an  interference 
with  labor,  the  progress  of  all  thought  and  development 
would  of  necessity  stop.  But  there  is — must  be— a  com- 
pensation.    If  some  man  would  invent  a  machine  that 


232  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

he  could  suspend  in  the  air  and  attach  a  huge  belt  to  a 
pulley  and  thence  with  his  belt  reach  around  the  world 
so  that  the  rotary  motion  of  the  latter  would  propel  the 
machine,  and  then  devise  another  machine  that  would 
supply  the  material  required  without  the  use  of  labor, 
and  cause  these  machines  to  proceed  to  grind  out 
victuals  and  clothing,  they  certainly  would  interfere  with 
labor,  but  the  people  would  get  their  wants  suppUed  for 
nothing  or  without  labor.  In  the  general  wind-up,  in 
the  end— the  ultima  ///«/^,— labor  is  the  thing  that  creates 
the  value  ;  no  machinery  having  value  can  be  made 
without  labor,  and  the  more  efficient  its  operations  when 
made  the  more  excellent  or  the  cheaper  its  product. 
Successful  men  acquire  their  wealth  because  they  make 
a  profit  off  of  other  men's  labor,  as  has  been  discussed, 
and  by  reason  of  causes  wholly  natural  and  unavoidable 
and  entirely  with  the  consent  of  the  employe,  who  need 
not  work  for  another  if  he  prefers  to  idle  away  his  time, 
and  instead  of  earning  his  bread  can  try  to  use  his  wits 
and  steal  it. 

This  accumulated  wealth  does  not  always  reduce  the 
price  of  its  compensation  in  the  same  ratio  as  the  re- 
duction in  the  competitive  price  of  labor,  and  it  is  to  the 
extent  of  this  difference  only  that  the  prices  of  commodi- 
ties that  wages  buy  are  not  reduced  identically  the  same 
as  wages. 

For  the  convenience  of  the  world  and  for  the  expedi- 
tion of  its  business — to  facilitate  exchanges, — there  has 
been  introduced  in  it  the  intermediary  article  called 
money.  Trade  is  simply  exchange — the  boot-makers  ex- 
change boots  for  hats  and  the  whole  thing  is  illustrated  ; 
both  buy,  both  sell.  The  function  of  money  is  o?ily  to 
facilitate  exchanges. 


PHRONOCRACV  2;^T, 

Since  all  men  who  want  boots  do  not  want  hats,  or  not 
so  many  hats  as  boots,  and  so  on  throughout  the  lists, 
for  convenience  the  said  calculating  medium  (money) 
has  been  introduced  in  all  civilized  countries.  This 
money  either  represents  value  in  itself  or  there  is  behind 
it  a  guaranty  that  has  value.  In  the  most  advanced 
trading  nations  of  the  world  in  1890  (the  United  States 
and  England)  money  is  gold  coin  ;  gold  is  the  standard 
— the  yard-stick — by  which  other  things  are  measured. 
Gold  is,  and  doubtless  always  will  be  the  best  metal  for 
money.  It  has  not  intrinsic  value  in  the  sense  that  it 
can  be  eaten  or  worn,  but  men  will  expend  considerable 
labor  for  a  very  small  amount  of  it,  and  as  the  fondness 
of  the  people  for  its  possession  has  existed  for  countless 
years,  and  since  it  appears  as  though  the  time  will  never 
come  when  men  will  not  give  their  labor  for  a  very  small 
amount  of  it,  it  may  be  looked  upon  as  a  thing  of  rea- 
sonably reliable  value,  so  that  a  gold  coin,  whether 
backed  by  the  stamp  of  one  nation  or  another,  is  equally 
good  when  of  equal  weight  and  fineness.  In  the  progress 
of  the  world's  affairs  this  facilitation  of  exchanges  is 
necessary.  The  most  perfect  money  would  be  something 
that  has  absolute  value  in  itself — that  is,  a  thing  that 
requires  no  government  backing,  and  which  the  world 
v/ould  accept, — a  thing  coined  or  fashioned  in  some 
convenient  way,  and  such  that  all  governments  would 
recognize  as  a  tender  for  a  debt  that  could  be  enforced. 
However,  all  governments  prefer  to  have  their  own  coin, 
and  each  prefers  to  issue  it  and  each  to  make  its  own  coin 
a  legal  tender  for  debt.  If  John  Smith  owed  Tom  Jones 
value  to  the  extent  of  one  hundred  dollars,  he  could  not 
make  him  take  a  horse  for  it,  but  he  could  make  him  take 
money — say,  one  hundred  dollars  in  American  coin. 
Usually  Jones  would  prefer  the  dollars  because  he  would 


234  POLITICS   AM)    PROPERTY 

know  that  some  other  fellow  would  give  him  for  them  a 
horse  or  anything  else  he  desired  of  no  greater  value. 
Thus  the  wealth  represented  by  money  is  the  kind  of 
wealth  that  is  most  convenient  to  handle  ;  but  since  the 
world's  exchanges,  or  the  exchanges  of  a  nation,  can  be 
accomplished  with  an  amount  of  wealth  in  this  shape  of 
much  less  value  than  the  whole  of  its  property,  a  very 
small  per  cent,  thereof  exists  in  the  shape  of  legal-ten- 
der money,  coin  or  its  equivalent.  The  circulating 
medium  may  be  more  or  less,  just  as  may  be  preferred 
by  the  nation  that  issued  it.  Wealth  in  this  shape  would 
not  be  required  at  all  except  to  facilitate  exchanges,  but 
since,  for  this  purpose,  it  is  absolutely  necessary,  it  is 
thought  to  be  the  proper  province  of  the  government  to 
provide  it  and  regulate  the  character  and  amount. 
Wealth  in  this  shape,  just  like  wealth  in  all  shapes,  rep- 
resents the  product  of  labor.  Land,  at  least  the  owner- 
ship of  it,  is  the  product  of  labor,  even  if  the  title  be 
originally  acquired  by  causing  a  crow  to  fly  over  it.  So 
much,  therefore,  of  the  labor  of  the  nation  must  be 
represented  in  that  class  of  wealth  which  is  most  con- 
venient for  facilitating  exchanges.  The  multiplication 
of  these  facilities  for  exchanging  human  products  is, 
however,  the  chief  cause  for  the  great  contrasts  in  the 
ownership  of  those  products,  and  why  :  because  the 
greater  the  facilities  for  exchanges,  that  is  for  trade,  be- 
tween men,  the  more  frequent  and  the  greater  in  mag- 
nitude will  those  exchanges  become  ;  and  since  on 
every  exchange  or  trade  there  is  a  profit  to  somebody, 
the  faster  the  said  trading  can  be  done,  the  quicker  the 
shrewd  man  will  become  rich.  If  men  did  not  ex- 
change their  products,  then,  aside  from  the  gain  from 
unearned  increment,  no  man  would,  in  an  entire  life,  be- 
come richer  than  another  save  to  the  extent  that  he  as 


PHRONOCRACY  235 

an  individual  could  perforin  more  physical  labor,  which 
would  perhaps  not  be  more  to  the  strongest  than  twice 
or  thrice  the  maximum  of  the  weakest.  Some  writers 
therefore  have  proposed  that  \ht  great  facilitator — money 
— or  the  circulating  medium,  should  be  abolished.  Its 
abolition  would  greatly  retard  the  monstrous  extremes 
in  earthly  possession  ;  but  civilization  demands  exchanges, 
hence  //  must  mai?ttain  the  medium.  Neither  gold  nor 
silver  make  any  better  money  than  iron  or  copper  or  tin, 
but  they  are  better  adapted  to  the  purpose  because  they 
exist  in  nature  in  such  limited  quantities  (or  at  least 
have  done  so)  that  a  very  small  quantity — such  as  may 
be  conveniently  carried — represents  considerable  labor. 
Of  silver,  it  is  usually  considered  that  one  ounce  of  it 
would  almost  represent  the  labor  of  a  man  for  one  day, 
and  that  gold  to  the  same  amount  would  represent  six- 
teen times  as  much  labor,  hence  these  can  simply  be  put 
into  convenient  shape,  and  suitable  sizes  and  weights  of 
these  shapes  can  be  used  as  the  circulating  medium.  If 
gold  and  silver  were  dug  out  of  the  ground  in  the  con- 
venient shape  that  the  government  gives  them  in  coinage, 
the  latter  could  simply  say  these  shall  be  the  legal  tender 
— the  circulating  medium — and  would  not  be  required  to 
place  on  them  the  government  stamp  or,  obligation  to 
give  them  value,  yet  they  would  go  in  any  civilized  land 
on  account  of  the  value  of  the  metal  they  contain  ;  and 
so  long  as  the  supply  is  no  greater  than  it  has  been,  the 
original  size  would  exchange  for  similar  value  in  current 
productions,  because  the  same  amount  of  labor  would 
have  to  be  expended  in  securing  them.  If,  however,  the 
government  could  find  no  gold  or  silver,  it  would  yet 
have  to  provide  its  people  with  a  circulating  medium.  If 
it  should  select  iron  it  would  find  that  in  amounts  repre- 
senting, say,  one  day's  labor,  it  would  be  too  heavy  and 


236  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

unwieldy  for  use,  and  the  same  objection  would  apply  to 
most  other  metals  •.  consequently  if  it  selected  iron  it 
would  be  obliged  to  coin  it  in  convenient  size  and  write 
on  the  face  of  it  something  like  the  following  :  "  The 
government  will  pay  for  this  the  equivalent  of  a  certain 
amount  of  labor,"  or  rather  one  dollar  or  one  thousand 
dollars.  In  this  case  iron  money  might  be  of  one  size, 
circulating  not  on  account  of  the  value  of  the  particular 
piece  itself,  but  because  of  the  promise  of  a  responsible 
government  to  pay  that  which  is  valuable  for  it,  and  as 
long  as  the  world  was  satisfied  that  the  said  government 
could  and  would  pay  this  value,  so  long  would  it  go,  and 
people  would  be  justified  in  including  it  in  their  estates 
at  the  value  of  the  "  promise  to  pay."  The  governments 
of  the  world  have  not  yet  found  any  metals  which,  in 
quantities  suitable  for  use,  can  circulate  as  coin  on  their 
own  merits,  except  gold  and  silver,  and  since  these  are 
obtainable,  iron  and  the  like  are  of  course  altogether 
dispensed  with. 

These  baser  metals  could  only  circulate  upon  the  faith 
of  some  good  promise,  and  since  that  promise  can  be 
expressed  much  better  on  a  small  piece  of  paper  than 
on  a  little  coin  of  iron,  and  since  the  paper  is  more 
convenient  to  handle  than  a  little  coin  of  iron,  paper  is 
used  whenever  any  government  seeks  to  issue  a  promis- 
sory money.  Paper,  being  more  convenient  than  either 
gold  or  silver,  is  preferred  even  to  these,  and  is  in  fact 
the  circulating  medium  of  the  world,  though  of  no  value 
save  as  an  evidence  of  the  government's  promise.  If  a 
government  should  have  written  on  the  face  of  a  bill, 
"  For  this  will  be  paid  one  day's  labor,  or  ten  days' 
labor,"  or  some  other  definite  and  fixed  value,  that 
would  make  it  go  if  it  were  thought  the  government 
could  make  good  its    promise,  but   since  governments 


PHRONOCRACY  237 

cannot  well  deliver  the  value  in  this  form,  they  usually 
say  that  the  bill  will  be  redeemed  in  one  or  the  other  of 
the  metals  which,  in  convenient  quantities  for  circula- 
tion, represent  in  themselves  the  said  amount  of  labor  or 
value.  The  only  question,  then,  to  be  considered  is  : 
Can  the  government  procure,  so  as  to  have  ready  for  all 
bills  that  may  be  presented  for  redemption,  the  amounts 
of  these  metals  as  nominated  in  the  bond  ?  That  is  to  say, 
are  its  resources  such  that  it  can  secure  it  ?  and  if  so, 
the  bill  is  good  for  its  face  in  that  metal.  When  a  gov- 
ernment  issues  the  coin  direct  the  com  should  go  on  its 
own  merit,  but  the  possessor  of  it  runs  his  own  risk  as 
to  its  fluctuations  in  value.  The  experience  of  the  world 
has  been  that  gold  has  fluctuated  least,  hence  it  has  been 
considered  the  safest  and  the  best,  and  consequently  has 
been  adopted  as  the  metal  out  of  which  the  circulating 
medium  is  made  by  the  greatest  commercial  nations  of 
the  world.  Gold,  however,  is  subject  to  fluctuation  in 
value — that  is  to  say,  there  might  be  a  vast  mine  of  it 
discovered,  or  several  large  deposits  might  be  found  so 
accessible  that  only  one  half  the  labor  that  has  hitherto 
been  required  to  put  it  into  marketable  shape  would  be 
necessary.  If  but  one  such  mine  should  be  discovered, 
(or  if  several,  if  such  there  should  be  were  found,)  and 
the  whole  consolidated  into  one  man's  hands,  he  would 
receive  the  benefit  of  the  discovery  to  the  extent  of  all 
the  labor  that  was  saved.  If,  however,  mines  should 
become  very  numerous,  competition  would  inevitably 
reduce  the  price.  The  likelihood,  however,  judging 
from  centuries  of  experience,  is  that  gold  is  not  a])t  to 
fluctuate  greatly,  and  hence  is  safe  in  the  hands  of  the 
man  who  owns  it,  as  a  representation  of  that  labor  which 
any  particular  quantity  of  it  represented  when  first  ac- 
quired, save  the  necessary  loss  from  attrition  and  wear. 


238  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

Silver  is  more  liable  to  fluctuation,  and  hence  is  not  as 
safe  as  gold.  In  the  United  States,  in  1873,  an  ounce  of 
silver  was  worth  about  $1.18 — one  sixteenth  the  value  of 
gold  ;  in  1878  it  was  worth  about  $1.10  ;  in  18S0  it  was 
worth  about  $1.04,  and  in  1886  it  was  worth  only  about  84 
cents,  on  a  loss  since  1873,  or  in  thirteen  years,  of  34 
'  cents, — nearly  one  third  of  its  value  in  gold,  and  why  ? 
Principally  if  not  wholly  by  reason  of  the  fact  that  during 
said  period  it  was  found  in  larger  quantities  or  in  more 
accessible  places,  or  because  the  facilities  for  putting  it 
into  marketable  shape  had  increased  such  that  it  then 
required  less  labor  to  produce  it,  or  because  demand 
proportionate  to  supply  was  less,  and  not  because  of 
demonetization,  save  as  this  affected  demand.  Hence, 
any  man  who  owned  silver  in  1873  and  kept  it  till  1886 
would  have  suffered  a  net  loss  of  about  33  per  cent,  of 
his  fortune,  just  as  might  have  been  the  case  with  any 
other  commodity,  and  any  government  or  individual  that 
had  issued  in  1873  ^  promissory  note  to  be  paid  in  silver 
would  have  been  the  gainer  to  the  same  extent.  Such  a 
catastrophe  having  occurred  to  silver  might  also  to  gold, 
but  less  likely. 

It  however  illustrates  that  a  government  that  obligates 
itself  to  pay  its  bonds  or  circulating  currency  in  gold 
might  be  either  the  gainer  or  loser,  and  the  holder  the 
loser  or  gainer,  as  the  case  might  be,  so  that  it  is  in  fact 
questionable,  first,  whether  or  not  a  government  will  be 
able  to  secure  the  precious  metal,  and  if  so  whether  or  not 
it  will  be  worth  the  same  at  the  time  of  payment  as  when 
the  obligation  was  incurred.  Likewise  are  individuals 
who  own  gold  subject  to  the  same  liability  to  fluctua- 
tion, but  since  as  regards  gold  the  changes  have  been 
and  are  likely  ever  to  be  small,  but  little  risk  is  incurred 
by  either.     These  conditions,  however,  lead  to  the  ques- 


PHRONOCRACY  239 

tion  :  Might  not  the  circulating  medium  of  a  country  be 
simply  the  promise  of  the  government  on  paper  to  pay 
certain  value  as  thereon  expressed  based  on  the  value  of 
human  labor  ? 

This  could  certainly  be  done  if  it  were  practicable  to 
receive,  hold,  and  pay  out  the  said  labor,  but  since  such 
is  not  practicable  it  is  found  necessary  to  receive  that 
labor  in  some  shape  or  form  that  is  practicable  (and  gold 
and  silver  appears  by  experience  to  be  the  best  of  all 
commodities  for  the  purpose),  and  to  pay  out  that  labor 
represented  by  the  same  commodities,  leaving  with  the 
people  the  risk  of  all  fluctuations  in  value.  Imagine  a 
great  nation  wholly  without  a  circulating  medium,  and 
that  no  such  substance  as  gold  or  silver  existed,  and  no 
other  metal  suitable  to  the  purpose  of  coinage — that  is, 
none  that  would  represent  in  a  small,  convenient  shape 
the  value  of  any  considerable  amount,  say  one  day's 
labor — could  be  had.  The  labor  of  a  common  man  might 
be  worth  a  ton  of  iron  ore,  so  that  a  circulating  medium 
made  of  this  metal  in  a  highly  refined  state — that  is,  after 
much  labor  had  been  expended  upon  it — would  have  to 
be  carried  in  a  plate  weighing  about  one  hundred  pounds, 
to  represent  intrinsically  one  common  man's  labor  for  a 
day,  so  that  if  carried  in  sizes  convenient  for  use,  the 
government  would  be  obliged  to  put  its  promise  to  pay 
the  product  of  labor  for  it  in  some  other  shape. 

If  this  promise  would  be  necessary  with  iron,  why  use 
iron  when  the  promise  would  be  quite  as  good  and 
binding  if  expressed  on  paper — a  more  convenient 
article  for  the  purpose  than  iron  ?  It  is  evident,  there- 
fore, that  in  the  absence  of  gold  and  silver  the  circu- 
lating medium  (since  civilized  men  do  not  value  shells 
and  beads)  would  have  to  be  altogether  a  promissory  one 
backed  up  by  a  government  to  give  the  value  of  labor 


240  POLITICS  AND    PROPERTY 

for  it,  and  this  promise  would  likely  be  made  on  paper. 
Suppose  the  people  of  that  government  owned  between 
them,  when  aggregated,  property  of  divers  kinds  worth 
the  labor  of  a  billion  men  for  a  day,  or  say  in  the  Ameri- 
can standard  one  billion  dollars,  but  had  no  circulating 
medium.  In  order  to  trade  together  to  advantage  they 
would  have  to  secure  a  circulating  medium,  and  how 
could  they  best  secure  it  ?  Experience  had  shown  that 
the  circulating  medium  need  not  be  over  a  small  per- 
centage of  the  total  value  of  the  property — even  one  or 
two  per  cent,  may  answer.  Assuming  that  they  deter- 
mined on  one  per  cent,  (which  is  rather  smaller  than  the 
average),  and  that  they  could  secure  no  precious  metal 
but  had  all  other  things  of  value  known  to  civilization. 
In  such  a  state  of  affairs  it  is  obvious  that  some  kind  of  a 
medium  predicated  upon  the  faith  in  and  resources  of 
the  government  would  have  to  be  devised,  which  leads 
to  the  conclusion  that  any  medium — that  is,  any  money 
that  does  not  represent  in  itself  such  value  as  will  com- 
mand a  certain  amount  of  human  labor — must  be  promis- 
sory or  "  fiat  "  money. 

If,  therefore,  a  government  could  not  secure  the  value 
of  labor  with  which  to  make  good  its  promissory  money 
in  the  shape  of  gold  or  silver — that  is,  could  not  secure 
gold  and  silver, — it  might  be  difficult  to  determine  in  what 
shape  or  upon  what  basis  the  medium  would  be  redeemed. 
To  legislate  that  a  piece  of  paper  with  certain  figures, 
letters,  and  characters  printed  upon  it  is  a  dollar  is  an 
arbitrary  creation  of  wealth — making  something  out  of 
nothing,  a  task  not  successfully  performed  since  the 
creation  of  the  Great  Whole,  if  indeed  ever,  and  it 
might  not  work.  The  thing  must  be  redeemable  in 
some  sort  of  value. 

As  long  as  everybody  consented  it  would  undoubtedly 


PHRONOCRACY  24I 

go  just  as  gold  and  silver  go,  because  of  universal  con- 
sent, and  for  that  reason  alone.  If  the  desires,  fancies, 
and  preferences  of  the  people  for  these  metals  should 
cease,  then  no  man  would  be  willing  to  give  a  day  of  his 
labor  for  an  ounce  of  silver  or  for  one  sixteenth  of  an 
ounce  of  gold,  even  though  the  quantities  of  these  metals 
remained  as  secure  as  before.  The  total  taxable  prop- 
erty of  America  in  1890  being  sixty  billion  dollars,  and 
the  circulating  medium  being  less  than  two  billion  dol- 
lars, the  latter  represented  but  little  over  one  per  cent. 
of  the  total  wealth  of  the  country,  or  say  one  dollar  on 
the  average  out  of  every  hundred  dollars  that  the  people 
owned.  If  the  government  in  its  own  capacity  had  pos- 
sessed not  one  dollar  of  property,  but  simply  had  for  its 
backing  its  right  to  tax  the  people  or,  rather,  to  compel 
them  to  yield  up  and  give  over  certain  parts  of  their 
estates,  that  power  alone  with  unquestioned  ability  to 
enforce  it  would  constitute  resources  of  great  magnitude 
and  extent,  certainly  largely  beyond  one  per  cent,  of  the 
total  property  value.  It  was  suggested,  therefore,  that 
the  government  abandon  the  policy  of  promising  to 
redeem  its  obligations  in  precious  metals.  It  has  to 
obtain  these  metals  by  means  of  its  right  to  force  its 
people  to  yield  up  value  which  can  be  exchanged  therefor, 
and  this  is  its  only  means,  assuming  that  there  was  no 
federal  domain  or  other  federal  property  that  could  be 
exchanged  outright  or  hypothecated  for  these  valuable 
metals  ;  so  why  pursue  the  intermediary  step  of  taking 
value  from  the  ])eople  and  with  that  value  securing 
these  metals,  and  then  when  secured  for  the  further  con- 
venience of  the  public  issuing  paper  money  redeemable 
in  same,  but  simply  issue  the  paper  money  direct  and 
pledge  for  its  redemption  the  government's  sovereignty, 

its  right  of  eminent   domain,   its    power  to  enforce  its 

16 


242  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

people  to  yield  up  value  in  some  shape.  This,  it  was 
claimed,  or  something  akin  thereto,  would  have  to  be 
done  if  there  were  no  precious  metals  to  be  had,  or  if 
the  fancy  and  fondness  of  the  people  for  these  metals 
should  for  any  reason  cease  ;  and,  furthermore,  the  identi- 
cal power  and  process  that  enables  the  government  to 
secure  these  metals  would  operate  with  equal  force  in 
the  maintenance  of  the  paper  money  at  par. 

Since,  however,  it  has  been  for  centuries  possible  to 
obtain  these  precious  metals,  and  since  there  appears 
to  be  no  reasonable  possibility  that  either  the  supply  or 
the  fondness  of  the  people  for  them  will  be  materially 
diminished  or  in  any  way  changed,  this  policy  should  be 
continued  ;  but  as  both  gold  and  silver  are  in  use,  there 
arises  much  difference  of  opinion  regarding  the  coinage 
of  same.  Some  people  want  silver  or  paper  redeemable 
in  same  made  the  only  standard,  others  prefer  gold  only, 
and  others  still  prefer  both.  Some,  again,  think  that  the 
more  money  there  is  in  circulation,  the  better  for  the 
people.  This  class  fail  to  consider  that  if  the  money 
has  intrinsic  value,  or,  if  not,  is  backed  by  an  unques- 
tioned support,  it  will  be  no  cheaper  and  no  easier  to 
obtain  whether  there  should  be  one  or  two  or  ten  per 
cent,  of  the  property  value  of  the  country  represented 
in  the  circulating  medium,  and  that  if  it  has  not  intrin- 
sic value,  or  is  not  backed  up  by  an  unquestioned  prop, 
that  the  greater  the  volume  the  less  the  value  and 
consequently  the  purchasing  power.  Notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  there  is  much  silver  produced  in  America, 
and  many  of  its  citizens  favor  silver  as  the  medium 
and  wish  to  have  it  unlimitedly  coined,  yet  there  is  a 
large  element  that  favor  gold  only,  to  which  England 
and  the  greatest  of  commercial  nations  firmly  adhere. 
Silver,  it  is  by  this  class  argued,  is  more  cumbersome. 


PHRONOCRACY  243 

more  liable  to  fluctuation,  and  less  suited  than  gold  on 
general  principles  for  the  standard  of  money.  The  sil- 
ver men  claim  that  gold  cannot  be  obtained  in  quantities 
sufficient  for  the  requirements  of  the  country  (which 
proposition  has  never  been  fully  proven),  and  that  silver 
is  a  necessity.  Aside  from  its  less  suitableness,  there  is 
no  good  reason  why  silver  alone  should  not  be  the 
standard,  except  for  the  fact  that  the  nations  whose 
force  in  the  financial  world  exceed  all  others  prefer 
gold.  There  is,  however,  good  reason  why  both  should 
not  be  recognized,  because  their  relative  values  will 
change,  they  cannot  be  kept  together  any  easier  than 
wheat  and  oats.  Some  years  wheat  will  be  worth  one 
dollar  per  bushel  and  oats  thirty  cents,  and  other  years 
wheat  eighty  cents  and  oats  forty  cents,  and  so  likewise 
with  gold  and  silver.  In  1S73  ^'^  ounce  of  silver  being 
worth  about  one  hundred  and  eicrhtecn  cents  and  in 
18S6  being  worth  only  about  eighty-four  cents,  proves 
conclusively  that  the  metals  cannot  be  kept  together.  Sil- 
ver might  be  demonetized  and  remonetized,  and  yet  the 
values  would  fluctuate  and  from  causes  entirely  natural. 
Silver  men  may  force  the  government  to  buy  certain 
amounts  of  silver  bullion  per  month  (just  because  they 
have  the  votes  to  do  it,  not  because  there  is  any  reason, 
justice,  or  benefit  to  the  people  in  it),  thus  forcing  the 
state  to  become  a  customer  of  certain  private  enterprises 
and  interests  to  the  extent  of  many  millions  of  dollars. 
With  equal  reason  might  the  government  have  been 
forced  to  buy  a  certain  amount  of  iron,  copper,  cotton, 
or  any  other  private  article  of  production  (which  alone 
silver  is)  each  month,  thereby  benefiting  these  interests, 
and,  retroactively,  as  is  the  inevitable  result,  injuring 
others  correspondingly.  This  class  of  legislation  is  dis- 
criminating and  baneful,  and,  like  protective  tariffs,  boun- 


244  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

ties,  subsidies,  and  similar  interferences  with  private 
business,  i7iust  ere  long  be  stopped.  It  can  be  of  no  pos- 
sible benefit  to  the  people  (but  considerable  to  silver 
producers)  for  the  government  to  buy  more  silver  than 
is  required,  and  the  people  will  become  aware  of  that 
fact,  and  legislators  will  be  elected  who  will  put  an  end 
to  the  iniquity  and  firmly  establish  gold,  and  gold  alone, 
as  the  standard  of  money.  Trade  wants  only  one  yard- 
stick, especially  does  it  not  want  two  when  they  will 
constantly  vary  in  length.  Coins  may  be  minted  con- 
taining enough  silver  to  make  them  intrinsically  equal  to 
gold,  and  before  the  milling  is  in  the  slightest  degree 
worn,  and  sometimes  before  the  face  of  the  piece  is 
tarnished,  the  market  value  of  the  silver  it  contains 
might  be  less  than  gold,  so  that  they  could  only  be  re- 
ceived at  par,  because  of  the  fact  that  the  government 
could  make  them  so,  or  rather  they  are  as  much  "fiat" 
dollars  in  principle  as  an  irredeemable  paper  bill.  Ere 
long  the  difference  may  become  so  great  that  the  thing 
may  become  ridiculous,  and  people  in  making  their 
trades  will  specify  the  kind  of  coin  they  will  take,  or 
rather  the  particular  yard-stick  with  which  they  will 
have  their  cloth  measured,  which  will  ultimately  force 
the  adoption  of  gold,  which  is  the  least  fluctuating,  the 
most  desirable,  the  most  generally  accepted,  and  the  best. 
Silver  should  be  coined  only  in  small  denominations  for 
change,  and  should  be  a  tender  for  small  amounts,  but 
no  man  should  be  forced  to  take  any  considerable 
amount  contrary  to  or  against  his  will.  Paper  redeemable 
in  gold  only  should  circulate  almost  exclusively,  and  the 
government  would  have  no  difficulty  in  securing  all  the 
gold  it  wanted,  and  it  would  require  proportionately  to 
the  outstanding  circulation  a  very  small  percentum. 
No  more  bills  should  be  introduced  and  passed  forcing 


PlIKoNOCRACY  245 

the  government  to  patronize  individual  miners,  and  the 
effectual  suppression  of  this  class  of  discriminating  legis- 
lation is  about  the  first  thing  that  the  people,  who  have 
long  suffered  from  its  effects,  are  called  upon  or  will 
fmd  it  necessary  to  do.  The  government  should  main- 
tain a  circulating  medium  redeemable  in  gold  coin  only 
to  such  an  amount  ]jer  capita  as  Congress  thinks  advisa- 
ble for  the  business  of  the  people,  and  that  medium  will 
be  good  the  world  over.  In  determining  the  volume  of 
money,  nothing  should  be  taken  into  consideration  save 
the  question,  ]V/iat  does  the  trade  of  the  country  require 
for  its  proper  facilitation  ?  All  else  is  irrelevant  and  in- 
admissible. The  idea  that  schemes  of  inflation,  looking 
either  to  cheap  paper  or  cheap  silver,  will  benefit  the 
people  is  not  only  shortsighted  and  barren,  but  indi- 
cates ignorance  as  to  the  proper  function  of  money. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  as  to  the  supply  of  gold  being 
sufficient,  but  if  not,  the  scarcity  would  apply  to  the 
world  as  well  as  to  America,  and  the  world  will  provide 
a  substitute,  and  even  in  such  an  event  there  exists  no 
fear  lest  the  United  States  would  be  fully  able  to  sup- 
ply, instead  of  gold  for  the  redemption  of  any  promises, 
that  adequate  value  that  they  would  have  been  able  to 
give  to  secure  the  gold  if  obtainable.  There  should, 
therefore,  be  but  one  yard-stick — gold,  or  paper  redeema- 
ble in  gold.  A  circulating  medium  to  trade  is  like  oil  to 
an  engine.  It  could  run  without  it,  but  runs  better  with 
it.  Too  much  oil,  or  a  poor  quality  of  it,  simply  runs 
off  the  slides  and  journals  and  is  wasted,  and  just  so  with 
money.  Therefore  let  it  be  sufficient  only  in  quantity, 
the  best  in  quahty,  and  absolutely  invariable. 

Silver  should  be  sold,  as  any  other  merchandise,  for 
what  it  is  worth,  without  any  discriminating  and  unjust 
(if  not  unlawful)  legislative  stimulus. 


246  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

The  demonetization  of  silver  in  America  in  1873 
doubtless  tended  to  widen  the  breach  between  the  two 
metals,  either  by  the  depreciation  of  silver,  caused  by  a 
curtailment  of  the  demand,  or  by  the  appreciation  of 
gold  caused  by  an  increased  demand,  but  certain  it  is 
that  by  said  act  of  demonetization  nobody  was  injured 
except  an  owner  of  silver.  The  claim  put  forth  by  own- 
ers of  silver  mines,  that  said  act  caused  the  financial 
panic  of  that  year,  or  that  in  subsequent  years  the  relative 
increase  of  the  wheat  supply  to  Great  Britain  by  India 
was  likewise  attributable  thereto,  which  caused  a  corre- 
sponding decline  in  the  demand  for  American  wheat, 
cannot  be  sustained.  America  had  an  unquestioned 
right  to  demonetize  silver,  and  in  so  doing  not  only  did 
not  violate  the  slightest  faith,  but,  on  the  contrary,  vindi- 
cated her  national  honor.  Bonds  and  other  obligations 
payable  in  coin  should,  when  due,  be  paid  in  that  coin 
which  is  equal  in  value  to  that  expected  by  the  buyer  at 
the  date  of  the  obligation,  otherwise,  to  the  extent  of  the 
depreciation,  there  is  virtual  repudiation,  which  no  gov- 
ernment can  afford  to  perform  as  to  its  own  or  render 
lawful  as  to  private  obligations. 

Forcing  silver  on  the  government  can  only  result  in 
enabling  its  owners  to  secure  a  dollar  at  a  depreciated 
price  (which  hope  and  desire  alone  prompts  the  move- 
ment), or  in  reducing  all  dollars  to  that  depreciated 
price.  The  first  would  be  governmental  favoritism  and 
rank  discrimination,  and  the  last  governmental  dishonor 
or  downright  disgrace. 

The  government  was  under  no  obligation  not  to  de- 
monetize silver,  and  if  in  the  progress  of  the  world's 
commerce  and  by  the  chief  commercial  nations  of  the 
world  gold  is  preferred,  why  should  America  not  like- 
wise choose  gold  and  gold  only  ?    Who,  by  the  deprecia- 


! 


PHKOXOCRACV  247 

tion  of  silver,  or,  to  put  it  differently,  by  the  increased 
price  of  other  things  in  silver,  is  injured  except  the 
owner  of  silver,  and  what  obligations  could  the  govern- 
ment have  been  under  to  pursue  a  policy  calculated  td' 
enhance  the  price  of  silver  rather  than  of  any  other 
commodity,  which  alone  and  nothing  more  silver  is  and 
should  always  be  so  long  as  gold  is  obtainable,  as  it 
doubtless  ever  will  be  in  sufficient  quantity  for  coinage  ? 
If  silver  had  been  a  self-sustaining  commodity  the  price 
of  silver  would  not  have  decreased,  notwithstanding  de- 
monetization, and  notwithstanding  remonetization  and 
unlimited  coinage,  unless  an  ounce  of  silver  will  com- 
mand more  labor  tlian  it  does,  the  price  of  silver  will 
not  increase  unless  the  latter  is  sustained  artificially 
equal  to  gold  by  the  government  "fiat,"  which  is  wrong. 

Where  can  be  found  reasonable  support  to  the  propo- 
sition that  silver  would  be  worth  permanently  any  more 
if  coined  in  little  pieces  called  dollars  (except  the  cost 
of  minting,  etc.,  etc.)  than  when  in  bars  of  equal  fine- 
ness, unless  by  reason  of  some  sort  of  governmental 
"fiat,"  which  is  unjust  ? 

Who  can  successfully  show  that  it  is  to  the  interest  of 
any  one,  save  an  owner  or  producer  of  silver,  that  the 
price  of  that  commodity  should  be  increased  by  any 
cause,  much  less  by  governmental  favoritism  ?  It  is  clear 
to  any  reasonable  man  that  the  people  at  large  would  be 
in  no  sense  benefited  if  by  unlimited  coinage  all  the 
silver  that  could  be  produced  should  be  made  into  dol- 
lars, for  just  as  certainly  as  those  dollars  circulated  on 
their  own  merit,  just  that  certainly  would  they  be  vrorth 
no  more  than  bars  plus  the  cost  of  minting,  and  if  so, 
the  price  of  all  the  requirements  of  life  in  this  silver 
would  increase.  If  made  more  valuable  than  bars,  it 
would  be  by  reason  of  some  governmental  protection 


248 


POLITICS   AXl)    PROPERTY 


that  is  not  just.  The  silver  producers  themselves  would 
therefore  get  no  great  benefit  unless  at  the  expense  of 
the  people  or  by  the  protection  of  the  government.  To 
■put  more  silver  into  the  dollar  would  be  the  only  honest 
remedy,  and  then  its  size  would  be  variable  as  to  the 
labor,  to  the  wants  of  life,  or  to  the  gold  it  would  buy  ; 
hence  justice  to  all,  simplicity,  certainty,  and  reliability 
demand  but  one  yard-stick,  and  efforts  to  make  two  are 
prompted  more  in  the  interests  of  mine-owners  than  for 
the  good  of  the  masses  of  the  people.  Cheap  money  is 
like  poor  soil  ;  it  is  difficult  to  get  a  living  if  you  own  a 
world  of  it.  Farmers'  alliances  and  tradesmen  generally 
should  remember  that  a  sow's  ear  is  not  a  silk  purse,  and 
legislation  will  never  make  it  such. 

Everything  should  be  on  a  gold  basis.  He  who  pos- 
sesses silver  in  bars  should  be  as  well  off  as  he  who  pos- 
sesses it  in  coin  ;  it  should  not  be  a  legal  tender,  so  that 
there  would  be  no  special  reason  for  putting  it  into  the 
shape  of  little  round  pieces.  Any  man  who  cared  to 
exchange  a  horse  or  anything  else  for  silver  could,  of 
course,  do  so,  and  he  who  had  mines  that  were  so  rich 
and  accessible  that  he  could  produce  it  for  less  than  it 
would  sell  for  in  the  market  will  be  a  fortunate  man,  just 
as  he  who  has  iron,  copper,  tin,  or  lead  mines  that  are 
similarly  located.  Silver  has  its  value — sometimes  higher 
and  sometimes  lower — just  as  other  metals.  Civilization 
has,  however,  about  ceased  to  call  it  "precious,"  be- 
cause a  man  will  not  give  a  day's  labor  for  a  whole  ounce 
of  it.  It  has,  however,  its  commercial  uses  in  the  arts,  in 
trade,  and  the  like.  Rich  men  ornament  their  fire-places, 
furniture,  and  door-knobs  with  it  ;  sometimes  watch- 
cases  are  made  of  it,  but  ladies  do  not  care  to  wear  it  as 
jewelry.  Expectant  benedicts  will  not  insult  their  lady 
loves  by  presenting  engagement  rings  made  of  it ;  yet  it 


l'HR<).\()(KA(\  249 

has  its  uses.  The  government  should  buy  what  it  wants 
for  subsidiary  coinage  ;  and  when  England  and  the  com- 
mercial world  recognize  it  as  the  best  metal  for  money — 
that  is,  the  metal  least  liable  to  fluctuations  and  of  such 
value  as  to  make  coins  minted  of  it  the  most  desirable 
size  and  generally  the  most  acceptable — of  course  it  may 
then  answer  the  purpose  of  money.  But  so  on  this  basis 
would  copper  or  iron  ;  but  if  silver  or  copper  or  iron, 
then  not  gold — why  two  yard-sticks  that  must  fluctuate 
in  value  ?  Silver  has  become  so  cheap — that  is,  a  man's 
labor  will,  with  the  appliances  for  mining  it,  produce  so 
much — that  a  piece  of  it  worth  twenty  dollars  is  a  bur- 
then to  the  wearer,  and  it  becomes  a  question  as  to  how 
much  cheaper  it  may  become,  until  the  same  objections 
that  apply  to  copper  or  iron  could  be  directed  against  it 
with  equal  force  ani  effect.  • 

The  government  should  recognize  both  convenience 
and  value  in  the  national  banking  system,  and  permit  it 
to  be  continued. 

When  any  association  of  gentlemen  wish  to  engage  in 
the  banking  business,  if  they  take  to  the  federal  treasury 
an  amount  of  gold  or  its  equivalent  in  any  acceptable 
shape  equal  to  the  circulating  medium  they  desired, 
the  government  should  issue  to  them  a  two-per-cent. 
bond  running  thirty  or  forty  years,  or  if  they  secured 
these  bonds  from  any  outside  owner  all  the  same.  By 
depositing  these  bonds  as  security  the  government  should 
permit  the  bank  to  issue  circulating  notes  to  the  full  face 
value  of  the  bonds,  on  which  the  banking  institution 
should  be  obliged  to  pay  to  the  government  one  per  cent, 
annually,  which  would  leave  to  the  institution  a  gain  of 
one  per  cent.,  representing  the  interest  on  the  bonds. 
These  banks  should  be,  of  course,  subjected  to  govern- 


250  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

ment  supervision  and  control,  and  would  stand  as  an 
adjunct  or  a  means,  as  it  were,  that  the  government 
would  adopt  to  better  regulate  the  supply  of  the  circu- 
lating medium. 

Providing  and  maintaining  a  uniform  and  stable  cir- 
culating medium  should  be  one  of  the  government's 
chiefest  functions  acknowledged  by  all,  and  this  system 
of  banking  rather  localizes  even  that  important  duty. 
The  bonds  deposited  as  security  (security  bonds)  should 
not  be  subjected  to  the  cumulative  rate,  being  the  prop- 
erty— assets — of  the  bank  (a  corporation),  but  the  bank 
stock  representing  these  and  such  other  assets  as  it 
might  own,  would  be,  of  course,  cumulatively  taxed  in 
the  hands  of  the  individual  owners,  just  as  the  bonds 
would  have  been  in  the  hands  of  an  individual  owner. 
The  government,  be  it  ever  in  mind,  would  receive  its 
tax  exclusively  from  individuals,  excepting  this  special 
one-per-cent.  circulation  tax  that  applied  to  banks  only 
whilst  they  used  the  circulating  medium  that  the  govern- 
ment authorized  them  to  issue.  The  government  should 
conclude  that  the  one  per  cent,  the  bank  would  gain  in 
interest  on  its  security  bonds,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  the  institution  would  be  authorized  to  issue  a  me- 
dium on  which  while  circulating  it  could  draw  interest, 
was  no  more  than  a  fair  inducement  for  the  bank  to  enter 
into  business,  and  since  it  would  be  open  to  all,  would 
not  be  discriminating.  The  system  insures  a  circulating 
medium  not  only  equally  stable  but  more  jlexible  j  that 
is,  when  different  localities  of  the  great  continent  want 
a  circulating  medium  there  would  likely  spring  up  a 
national  bank  and  issue  new  currency,  which  would  be 
better  than  taking  that  part  of  the  medium  that  it  would 
require  from  the  general  fund  already  in  the  various 
channels  of  trade.  In  other  words,  it  is  a  means  of 
getting  nearer  to  the  wants  of  trade  than  the  government 


I'HROXOCRACV  25 1 

could  well  do  unless  by  some  similar  system,  and  it 
would  avoid,  to  a  great  extent,  legislation  in  Congress  on 
the  supply  of  the  circulating  medium  per  cai)ita.  Further- 
more, if  there  should  be  required  an  increase  of  say  ten  or 
twenty  per  cent,  in  the  circulating  medium,  it  could  be 
accomplished  through  the  bank  at  a  net  cost  of  but  one 
per  cent,  to  the  government,  whereas  if  it  had  been 
obliged  to  secure  the  gold  in  the  market  it  would  doubtless 
have  had  to  give  bonds  therefor,  which  would  bear  at 
least  two  per  cent.,  or  procure  the  value  with  which  to 
secure  said  circulation  by  an  increase  of  tax  on  the  people. 
If  it  should  issue  an  increased  amount  of  paper  notes, 
it  must  have  an  increased  amount  of  gold  with  which  to 
redeem  the  same  on  presentation,  which  would  be  the 
same  thing  in  effect  ;  consequently,  all  things  consid- 
ered, the  national  banking  system  is  worth  what  it  costs 
and  should  be  continued.  Its  circulation  is  secured  by 
bonds,  and  when  surrendered  up  the  bonds  would  be 
returned  to  the  banking  institution.  This  does  not  alter 
the  feature  of  a  circulating  medium  being  redeemable  in 
gold,  for  the  bonds  are  and  should  always  be  paya- 
ble in  gold  ;  and  it  gives  the  government  a  chance  to 
maintain  a  greater  circulating  medium  with  less  ready 
gold  at  hand.  If  gold  is  demanded  of  the  bank,  it  should 
be  required  to  pay  it  for  any  of  its  own  notes,  and  for 
this  purpose  should  be  required  to  keep  a  certain  balance 
on  hand.  Any  bank  failing  in  this  particular  should 
have  its  charter  cancelled,  notes  called  in,  on  receipt  of 
which  the  bonds  would  be  returned,  and  the  business  of 
the  association  would  be  ended.  All  systems  of  national 
banking  must  of  course  undergo  changes  and  modifica- 
tions to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the  times,  just  as  any 
other  business.  Likewise,  the  quantity  of  money  must 
be  subject  to  the  variable  conditions  and  expansions  of 
trade,  hit  its  quality  should  never  be  impaired. 


CHAPTER   XII. 

Immigration  and  foreign  proprietorship — Sentiment  against  immigra- 
tion— Workingmen  favor  free  trade,  but  oppose  immigration — 
Error  of  the  belief — Self-sustaining  men  a  benefit — Care  of  poor 
families  in  infancy — No  danger  from  over-population — If  so, 
destroy  the  beasts  first — Man-labor  and  brute-labor — Increased 
population  adds  to  labor  demand — Foreign  purchaser  a  benefit 
to  all — Opposing  legislation  reduces  property  values — Ireland  an 
illustration. 

The  practical  operation  of  the  cumulative  rate  as  ap- 
plied to  home  property  having  been  explained,  and  also 
the  result  of  the  qualification-for-suffrage  system  in  its 
beneficent  effects  on  the  character  of  representatives 
and  the  purification  and  perfection  of  the  balloting  sys- 
tem having  been  illustrated,  it  may  be  well  to  look  for  a 
moment  into  the  incalculable  benefits  that  would  result, 
and  the  increased  conservatism  that  would  be  displayed 
by  men  who  were  chosen  to  public  place  by  men,  rather 
than  blatherskites  chosen  by  bribery  and  corruption. 

Though  America,  by  reason  of  her  wondrous  resources, 
her  varied  clime,  and,  by  no  means  the  least,  her  free 
institutions,  has  prospered  so  unprecedentedly  in  popula- 
tion, in  wealth,  and  in  power,  notwithstanding  the  bane- 
ful and  centralizing  effects  of  some  of  her  despicable 
policies,  there  has  arisen  quite  a  sentiment  against 
foreign  immigration. 

This  is  but  reasonable  on  the  part  of  the  hitherto 
ignorant  workingmen,  who  at  last  begin  to  see  that  that 

252 


I 


PlfROXOCRACV  253 

system  of  "  protection  "  which  discriminated  against 
labor's  products  and  yet  invited  the  laborer  himself  is, 
to  say  the  least,  rather  a  second-handed  benefit,  if, 
indeed,  it  is  not  an  actual  injury. 

To  maintain  that  a  man  who  performed  his  day's  work 
three  thousand  miles  away  in  England,  Germany,  or  in 
France  or  Belgium,  was  a  greater  interference — hence 
the  object  against  which  the  protectionists  should  build 
their  walls — than  the  thousands  of  the  same  class  who 
were  seeking  positions  at  our  very  doors,  does  not  look 
quite  as  forcible  to  wage-earners  as  it  once  did.  It 
therefore  appeared  to  the  workmen  as  though  it  was 
simply  a  question  how  many  would  come  over  till  com- 
petition would  be  quite  as  fierce,  and  hence  wages  as 
cheap,  as  in  the  least  favored  and  most  oppressed  of 
any  nation  in  Europe,  and  the  thing  to  do  was  to  keep 
out  \\\t people  rather  than  their  products — i.e.,  stop  immi- 
gration. That  heretofore  they  had  been  skinning  the 
cat  from  the  wrong  end  ;  they  had  been  protecting  the 
country  against  cheap  goods,  which  they  all  wanted 
(save  their  employers),  and  filling  it  to  overflowing  with 
cheap  labor,  which  none  of  them  wanted  (save  their 
employers). 

In  fact,  the  more  enlightened  began  to  bump  their  heads 
together  and  ask  themselves  if  they  had  not  all  along 
been  goats  ?  The  facts  are  that  they  had  been  goats.  If 
there  is  anything  to  be  gained  by  any  system  of  protec- 
tion it  would  certainly  be  in  that  which  would  protect  the 
laborers  directly,  by  avoiding  competition  with  foreign 
or  any  other  class  of  labor,  and  not  in  that  which  deprived 
them  of  the  best  and  cheapest  sources  from  which  to 
obtain  their  supplies.  If  one  hundred  men  were  wanted 
to  plow  a  certam  field,  they  could  certainly  obtain  a  bet- 
ter rate  per  day  if  there  were  no  competitive  bystanders 


254  I'OLITICS    AND    I'ROPKRTN' 

ready  to  take  the  jobs,  than  could  they  if  the  price  of 
the  potatoes  which  were  to  be  grown  in  that  field  were 
artificially  enhanced  by  some  discriminating  legislation, 
and  a  hundred  other  laborers  were  standing  by  ready  to 
take  the  job.  The  increased  price  of  the  potatoes  would 
inure  to  their  employer  and  against  themselves,  whether 
the  competitive  bystanders  were  ready  or  not,  and  to  a 
greater  and  more  alarming  extent  would  they  be  dis- 
criminated against  and  harmed  if,  by  legislation,  the 
employer  could  make  them  pay  the  increased  price  for 
the  potatoes,  pocketing  the  profit  himself,  and  at  the 
same  time  be  in  a  position  to  make  available  the  cheap 
competitive  and  by-standing  laborers.  Better  a  thousand 
times,  and  from  any  view  of  the  case,  had  the  price  of 
the  potatoes  remained  normal — the  result  of  open  com- 
petition,— so  that  they  could  buy  them  cheap,  and  keep 
away  the  competitive  by-standing  laborer,  so  they  could 
sell  their  labor  high.  Thus  the  masses  began  to  think 
that  curtailment  of  immigration  was  the  remedy  for  their 
ills.  Keep  out  the  laborers  who  compete  with  us  and 
let  in  the  products  that  compete  with  our  employers,  and 
things  will  even  up  better.  That  does  look  more  reason- 
able, and  soon  there  may  not  be  found  a  laboring  man 
in  the  country  but  such  as  favors  opening  the  ports  to 
cheap  products,  but  not  to  cheap  labor.  The  employers 
have  said  well :  "Cheap  products  mean  cheaper  wages." 
"Yes,"  said  the  employe,  "cheap  labor  means  cheap 
wages  also,  and  we  have  failed  to  see  many  cases  where 
you  would  pay  us  $1.50  per  day  when  you  could  get  as 
good  a  man  for  less  ;  the  latter  is  a  direct  blow  at  us, 
and  the  former  is  indirect.  We  have  been  trying  pro- 
tection against  cheap  goods,  and  you  have  got  rich  and 
we  become  poor  ;  we  now  want  to  try  protection  against 
cheap  labor,  and  see  how  that  will  work."     Therefore 


IMIROXOCRACV  255 

there  has  been  a  great  outcry  against  immigration. 
America  for  Americans,  cheap  goods  but  no  cheap  men  ; 
bring  in  your  goods  but  keep  out  the  men.  These  and 
similar  arguments  may  gain  currency  and  receive  sup- 
port before  the  adoption  of  the  cumulative  scale.  Con- 
gress will  be  appealed  to  to  restrict  immigration  not 
only  as  to  character  (which  restriction  is  now  made)  but 
as  to  numbers  (which  restriction  should  never  be  made). 
The  annual  immigration  is  between  five  and  six  hundred 
thousand,  and  Congress  may  be  asked  unconditionally 
to  reduce  it  to  ten  thousand  per  month.  These  impor- 
tunities may  cause  long  debates  in  Congress  and  much 
discussion  throughout  the  country.  Whilst  nearly  every 
other  country  in  the  civilized  world  is  using  its  utmost 
endeavors  to  prevent  emigration,  here  America  stands 
opposing  immigration — a  very  unusual  and  anomalous 
position.  The  question  may  be  much  discussed  and 
thoroughly  sifted.  It  may  be  asked  of  those  who  oppose 
foreign  immigration,  foreign  money,  foreign  goods,  in 
fact  everything  foreign  that  will  make,  and  has  made, 
the  country  rich,  if  the  prevention  of  immigration  to  the 
extent  of  four  to  five  hundred  thousand  able-bodied  men 
who  desire  to  come  is  good,  why  would  not  the  enforced 
emigration  of  about  the  same  number  of  able-bodied  men 
who  are  now  in  America  be  better  ?  Which  argument, 
reduced  to  its  natural  sequence,  would  mean,  at  an  early 
day,  the  depopulation  of  the  country. 

If  in  scarcity  there  is  plenty  ;  if  in  vacuity  there  is 
material  ;  if  in  weakness  there  is  strength  ;  if  Thersites 
is  Hercules  ;  if  a  singed  cat  is  a  Bengal  tiger,  or  a  puling 
puppet  a  roaring  lion  ;  if,  in  fact,  a  fool  possesses  wisdom, 
then  such  policies  would  be  wholesome — not  otherwise. 

It  appears  reasonable  enough  that  the  laboring  man, 
failing  to  be  benefited  by   protection,   in   fact,  contin- 


25^  I'f  )I.riI(S    AM)    I'UOI'ERTV 

uousl}-,  though  for  a  long  time  iinconsciousl)',  being 
worsted  by  it,  should  rush  towards  the  proposition  of 
curtailment  of  immigration — on  the  surface  the  most 
reasonable  remedy — for  the  disproportionate  condition 
of  affairs,  of  which  they  complain.  Reflecting  minds, 
however,  at  once  observe  that  a  self-sustaining  man  is  a 
benefit  rather  than  a  curse  to  society  ;  that,  if  a  country 
with  a  population  of  640  to  the  square  mile,  as  is 
Belgium,  or  one  to  the  acre,  could  maintain  itself  at 
all,  certainly,  increased  population  could  not  be  op- 
pressing America — on  the  average  naturally  richer — 
with  a  population  of  less  than  twenty  to  the  square 
mile,  or  but  one  to  every  thirty-two  acres. 

The  agitation  of  these  questions  in  America  is  not  by 
reason  of  the  greater  oppression  (which  really,  though 
becoming  the  same,  is  as  yet  less  than  that  elsewhere), 
but  on  account  of  her  free  institutions.  Here  the  popu- 
lace can,  and  with  some  hope,  discuss,  proclaim,  and 
expound  ;  but  elsewhere  they  cannot,  with  much  hope. 
In  America  the  grievances  of  the  entire  world  are  dis- 
cussed, and,  naturally,  a  greater  number  of  remedies  for 
wrongs  are  proposed. 

To  argue  that  the  increase  of  population  by  immigra- 
tion (provided  that  immigration  is  of  a  self-sustaining 
character)  is  hurtful,  is  to  argue  against  the  increase  of 
population  in  the  world  at  large  in  the  natural  manner, 
and  whilst  it  has  to  be  admitted  that  many  families 
in  moderate  estate  are  too  prolific  for  comfort,  or  too 
numerous  to  enable  them  to  provide  their  offspring  with 
the  best  of  social  conditions  and  opportunities,  yet  it  is 
by  no  means  to  be  advocated  that  the  biblical  injunction 
"be  fruitful  and  multiply"  should  be  summarily  inter- 
dicted. The  inability  to  properly  provide  for  a  number 
of  little  children  during  their  infancy  is  one  thing,  and 


IMIRONOCRACV  257 

the  detriment  to  society  supposed  to  be  consequent  upon 
immigration  quite  another.  For  the  former  there  ap- 
pears to  be  no  feasible  remedy.  If  as  the  result  of  the 
marriage  of  two  healthy  people  there  should  be  born 
into  the  world  ten  or  a  dozen  children  in  as  many  or  in 
a  fewer  number  of  years  (as  frequently  happens),  and 
then  if  by  accident  the  father,  hitherto  a  dutiful  sire  and 
husband  and  the  main  support  of  the  family,  should  be 
taken  off,  leaving  an  indigent  widow  with  the  burden  of 
the  family,  the  condition  would  be  of  course  not  the 
most  desirable,  if,  in  fact,  it  is  not  actually  deplorable, 
but  how  can  it  be  remedied  ?  Society  has  and  does,  to 
a  very  reasonable  extent — perhaps  quite  as  liberally  as 
would  neither  encourage  idleness  nor  invite  malingei-y, — 
provide  homes  for  widows  and  orphans. 

Philanthropists  likewise  often  have  and  yet  do  leave 
much  of  their  estates  for  benevolent  purposes,  and  it  yet 
remains  for  some  philosopher  to  suggest  a  better  system. 
Nothing  save  the  plan  of  making  all  mothers  pensioners 
on  the  government  could  reach  it  effectually,  and  that 
would  appear  to  disrupt  the  domestic  relationship,  and, 
though  possibly  for  no  good  cause,  be  prejudicial  to 
society. 

At  least  it  appears  to  shock  the  moral  conscience,  but 
possibly  only  because  it  is  in  conflict  with  long-estab- 
lished custom.  Rather  it  appears  to  be  one  of  the 
greater  of  tlie  unanswered  problems,  just  how  far  can 
charity  or  public  care  and  protection  extend  without 
inflicting  injury  ?  Too  much  is  taken  advantage  of,  for 
thousands  would  prefer  the  care  of  the  poorhouse*  or 
hospital — some,  in  fact,  incarceration  in  jail — than  the 
support  their  own  energies  would  secure  for  them.  It 
appears   as    though    the  infant  and    the    growing   child 

should  have  adequate  support,  even  proper  training  and 
17 


258  POLITICS    AM)    I'KOPKKTV 

education,  to  fit  it  for  the  duties  and  cares  of  life,  when 
it  shall  have  arrived  at  the  age  when  it  should  be  self- 
sustaining.  There  is  scarce  a  domestic  animal  of  the 
lowest  type,  even  unto  a  dog,  that  is  not  thus  cared  for, 
not  alone  in  infancy  but  in  maturity  as  well. 

It  does  look  as  though  the  young  of  the  human  species 
should  be  as  well  cared  for  in  infancy  as  the  colt,  the 
pup,  or  the  calf,— not  only  as  well,  but  as  much  better  as 
its  estate  when  maturity  is  reached  is  superior  to  that  of 
these  animals  ;  yet  there  are  thousands — yea,  millions — 
of  children  in  all  thickly  populated  cities  in  Europe, 
America,  in  Asia — in  fact,  everywhere— that  seldom 
have  enough  to  eat  and  never  enough  to  wear. 

But,  then,  many  children  are  born  into  the  world, 
maimed,  crippled,  imbecile,  and  decrepit ;  those  of  the 
rich  are  subjected  to  these  misfortunes,  whilst  not  to 
such  an  extent,  yet  likewise,  as  are  those  of  the  poor. 

Therefore,  since  in  keeping  with  what  most  people  are 
disposed  to  term  the  will  of  Divine  Providence,  but  what 
others  consider  rather  the  result  of  nature's  active  agen- 
cies (be  it  the  one  or  the  other,  or  both),  it  is  manifestly 
true  that  disabilities  and  misfortune  have  existed  (with 
both  rich  and  poor,  though  oftener  with  the  latter)  from 
the  very  beginning  ;  and  since  they  cannot  be  absolutely 
prevented  nor  controlled,  what  is  left  save  to  make  the 
burthen  as  light  as  possible,  by  providing  for  the  extreme, 
just  as  is  necessary  in  poverty — the  other  apparently 
essential  result  or  condition  of  society  which  cannot  be 
absolutely  prevented  or  controlled. 

Consequently,  mothers  must  be  made  pensioners  on 
the  state  till  their  children  have  reached  the  self-sustain- 
ing age  (which  will  relieve  the  poverty  in  the  rearing  of 
children,  mitigate  disease  in  same,  though  not  absolutely 
avoid  it),  or  some— yea,  many — children   must  grow  up 


I'lIRONOCRACV  259 

in  a  worse  relative,  if  not  worse  actual,  state  than  the 
colt,  the  calf,  the  dog,  or  the  hog.  After  man  has 
grown  to  be  a  self-sustaining  individual,  or  after  he  has 
reached  the  age  say  of  fifteen  years,  when  he  ought  to 
be  self-sustaining,  it  is  no  use  to  argue  that  the  world  is 
too  small,  that  time  has  not  yet  arrived,  and  it  is  not  apt 
soon  to  arrive,  if  ever. 

Those  who  are  affrighted  by  the  Malthusian  theory 
may  dispel  their  fears  for  the  time.  If  the  resources  of 
the  world  are  ever  to  be  too  severely  taxed,  that  time  will 
not  be  within  the  lives  of  our  grandchildren,  and  they  will 
doubtless  be  producing  all  kinds  of  vegetable  and  other 
food  products  out  of  earth,  water,  and  heat  in  a  few 
hours,  as  they  are  now  produced  from  the  seed  out  of  the 
same  essential  substances  in  from  four  to  six  months. 
But  if  it  were  actually  at  hand  during  the  lives  of  the 
present  generation,  the  condition  does  not  exist  in 
America,  therefore  it  is  useless  to  argue  that  increased 
population  here  is  in  any  sense  injurious  (rather  is  it  a 
blessing)  ;  and  if  increased  population  is  not  injurious, 
then  self-sustaining  immigration  is  not  injurious.  But,  it 
is  urged,  let  us  have  the  increase  native-born  instead  of 
foreign-born.  To  this  it  may  be  replied  that  a  good, 
stout,  and  able-bodied  foreigner  is  worth  just  as  much  to 
the  country  as  his  productions  would  exceed  his  con- 
sumption— so  why  exclude  him  ?  If  the  country  is  not 
suffering  from  over-population,  caused  either  by  natural 
increase  or  by  immigration,  what  object  would  there  be 
in  curtailing  either  ? 

If  a  horse  adds  to  the  wealth  of  the  country,  so  like- 
wise does  a  man,  if  he  be  self-sustaining,  to  a  greater 
degree  ;  and  if  the  world  is  being  over-taxed  with  its  in- 
creasing population  (especially  if  America,  with  a  popu- 
lation of  sixty  million  in  1S90,  when,  if  then  populated 


26o  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

as  was  Belgium,  it  would  have  contained  six  hundred 
million,  is  so),  better  begin  the  depopulation  by  killing 
off  the  horses,  for  they  eat  much  that  man  can  consume, 
and  do  much  work  that  man  could  perform.  In  Belgium 
six  hundred  and  forty  people  to  the  square  mile  live,  and 
that  too  in  a  country  a  very  large  part  of  which  was  once 
sand  dunes  and  deserts  ;  how,  therefore,  could  population 
have  the  slightest  effect  in  America,  with  twenty  people 
to  the  square  mile,  every  acre  of  which,  with  less  labor 
and  care  than  reclaimed  the  Belgian  sand  dunes,  could 
be  made  as  fertile  as  a  garden  ?  But,  since  to  admit  a 
ridiculous  proposition  always  results  in  a  ridiculous  con- 
clusion, which  usually  shows  up  best  the  fallacy  of  an 
argument,  v/e  will  accept  it  as  settled  that  America  is 
over-populated,  and  that  immigration  and  then  ere  long 
fecundation  must  both  be  stopped.  When  attempting 
to  carry  the  scheme  practically  into  execution  most 
supporters  of  the  faith  will  be  willing  to  shut  out  immi- 
gration, but  before  interdicting  fecundation  many  will 
think  it  would  be  best  to  kill  off  a  few  thousand  horses 
that  were  consuming  the  world's  products. and  eating  up 
its  roots,  herbs,  and  grasses  ;  but  why  do  this  when  the 
people  can,  if  they  choose,  eat  up  the  horses  ? 

Thus  does  the  admission  of  premises,  to  the  vulgar 
apparently  reasonable  and  sound,  invariably  lead  to  the 
same  result — an  absurd  and  ridiculous  conclusion.  It 
requires  brains  to  build  a  boat,  and  brains  to  set  a  boat 
afloat ;  so  also  does  it  require  brains  to  run  a  govern- 
ment, and  brains  (more  than  all  men  together  possess)  to 
properly  regulate  society  and  equitably  (not  equally)  to 
distribute  the  blessings  of  the  earth. 

Consequently,  great  benefit  will  result  in  relegating  the 
fools  to  the  rear  by  qualified  suffrage,  for  they  belong 
nowhere  else.     Those  who  are  guided  by  hyperbole  and 


PHRONOCRACV  261 

nonsense  miss  their  calling  when  they  try  to  reform  the 
state,  just  as  an  ass  would  lose  his  beauty  and  but  little 
increase  his  ferocity  when  he  donned  the  lion's  skin. 
Hence  it  is  that  attempts  at  reform  amount  to  nothing — 
the  masses  have  not  the  brains  ;  they  are  rash  and  incon- 
siderate— moved  by  the  incendiary  utterances  of  some 
loquacious  fool  who  knows  nothing  about  the  practical 
workings  or  the  probable  effect  of  any  proposition  ;  in 
fact,  the  best  and  wisest  know  but  little  and  can  prophesy 
not  at  all.  If  ever  a  wise  and  conservative  leader  appears, 
trivial  and  petty  dissensions  arise  of  no  consequence  or 
effect  on  the  main  issue,  and  he  is  either  shorn  of  his 
utility  or  disgusted  with  the  follies  of  his  ignorant 
coadjutors  ;  and  it  will  not  be  until  that  conservative  re- 
form is  proposed  which  looks  for  its  following  not  from 
the  ignorant,  the  vicious,  and  the  depraved,  but  from 
among  men  who  know  the  benefit  of  direct,  consolidated, 
and  prudent  action,  that  things  will  begin  to  move. 

This  class  of  men  can  see  through  a  grindstone  when 
the  hole  is  sufficiently  large.  These  men  can  see  that  all 
talk  regarding  the  decrease  of  population,  either  by  anti- 
immigration  or  by  the  more  natural  and  effectual  method, 
anti-fecundation,  is  stupid  nonsense.  They  know  that 
every  able-bodied  and  self-sustaining  man  is  of  value  to 
the  state  ;  that  he  not  only  has  labor  to  sell,  but  he  has 
wants  to  supply,  so  that  he  not  only  occupies  the  position 
of  supplying  labor,  but  of  creating  a  demand  for  it  as  well. 
He  must  have  food  and  clothes  and  boots  and  shoes,  and 
to  the  extent  that  he  requires  them  causes  just  that  much 
demand  for  labor  which,  to  say  the  least,  offsets  the  sup- 
ply he  furnishes  with  his  strong  muscles  and  rugged 
frame.  There  was  scarce  as  much  per  capita  demand  for 
labor  when  the  population  of  America  was  six  million  as 
when  it  is  sixty  million  people,  and  there  was  certainly 


262  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

not  as  much  actual  or  aggregate  demand.  The  reduction 
of  population  curtails  demand  as  well  as  supply,  and  in- 
creased population  enlarges  demand  as  well  as  supply, 
so  that  the  conditions  in  either  case  are  relatively  about 
as  before.  There  are  times  when  there  is  a  greater  sup- 
ply of  workmen  for  a  particular  class  of  work  than  there 
is  work  for  them  to  perform,  but  this  may — in  fact,  will — 
happen  in  a  population  of  six  million  just  as  well  as  in 
sixty  million.  There  are  times  when  there  is  over-pro- 
duction, just  as  there  are  seasons  when  there  is  too  much 
rain,  and  over-production,  just  as  over  or  excess  of  rain, 
can  as  well  and  is  quite  as  likely  to  happen  when  there 
are  six  million  as  when  there  are  sixty  million.  The 
only  possible  difference  between  that  condition  which 
applies  to  six  million  and  that  which  applies  to  sixty  mil- 
lion lies  in  the  fact  that  population  creates  wealth,  and 
without  a  regulating  balance-wheel  that  wealth  will  con- 
centrate, because  the  extremes  can  be  and  are  greater  in 
a  population  of  sixty  million  than  of  six  million  people  ; 
just  as  in  a  great  desert  like  Sahara,  where  there  is  much 
sand,  the  variable  and  shifting  winds  can  amass  greater 
heaps  in  one  spot,  leaving  others  almost  bare,  whereas  in 
a  small  desert,  where  there  is  little  sand,  the  difference  is 
scarcely  noticeable.  It  takes  a  big  ocean  to  turn  up  a 
big  wave,  so  a  big  community  to  cause  greater  contrasts 
in  condition.  Apply  the  proper  remedy  (Phronocracy), 
and  the  contrast  will  be  no  greater  in  sixty  milliun  than 
in  six  million,  but  the  nation  will  be  ten  times  richer, 
more  powerful,  and  secure. 

Prior  to  the  curtailment  of  suffrage,  however,  the  con- 
servative people  will  utter  many  a  lingering  sigh.  When, 
oh,  when  will  Congress  quit  legislating  ;  when  will  the 
fool-killer  actually  be  killed  ?  When  will  we  be  per- 
mitted to  run  our  business  on  business  principles,  and 


PHRONOCRACY  263 

be  relieved  of  the  blatherskites  who  thwart  our  opera- 
tions ;  v/hen  will  the  fool  who  thinks  it  is  a  curse  to  the 
country  for  a  foreigner  to  invest  his  money  in  it,  be  sat 
down  upon  and  elected  to  stay 'at  home  ?  When  suffrage 
is  purified — it  will  be  purified  when  curtailed, — not  before. 
Before  then  the  vulgar  representative  will  be  in  clover  ; 
but  he  will  elicit  only  laughter,  contempt,  and  scorn  when 
confronted  by  the  wise.  He  now  tells  tiie  people  (espe- 
cially the  Irish)  that  some  English  subject  owns  land  in 
a  certain  State,  and  the  American  people  are  actually 
paying  money  rent  for  the  use  of  same,  which  appears  to 
be  horrible.  What  a  pity  the  benighted  heathen  can- 
not comprehend  that  the  American  who  is  paying  the 
one,  ten,  or  one  hundred  thousand  for  the  land,  is  in  all 
probability  gaining  two,  twenty,  or  two  hundred  thousand 
for  the  use  of  same,  or  at  least  a  profit  satisfactory  to 
himself  ;  if  not  so,  then  the  American  tenant  is  as  great 
a  fool  as  his  would-be  protector,  and  should  have  been 
tried  at  once  for  lunacy — a  better  remedy  than  discrimi- 
nating legislation. 

The  Englishman  can't  force  an  American  to  pay  any 
fixed  price  for  land,  and  it  is  a  fair  presumption  that  if 
an  American  voluntarily  pay  a  certain  price  he  does  so 
to  his  own  profit.  The  sophistical  politician  has  an- 
noyed the  people  with  his  nonsense  for  a  time  too  long 
to  endure,  but  in  the  long  run  he  will  be  suppressed. 
Finally  it  will  be  an  act  of  almost  as  much  reproach  as 
treason  to  attempt  to  incite  the  populace  to  rash  and 
absurd  doings.  No  public  man  or  aspirant  for  public 
trust  should  ever  think  of  seeking  popularity  by  frenzied 
railings  against  the  conservative  institutions  of  the  state. 
Men  of  this  kind  will  simply  be  called  blatherskites — ■ 
Bornbastes  Fiiriosos — for  full  are  they  of  sound  and  fury 
that  signifieth  nothing.     Verily  are  their   arguments  as 


264  POLITICS    AND    rROPERTY 

two  grains  of  wheat  in  two  bushels  of  chaff.  One  can 
seek  all  day  ere  he  finds  them,  and  when  he  has  them 
they  were  not  worthy  of  the  search.  One  of  the  very 
greatest  drawbacks  to  progress  is  the  attempted  legisla- 
tion against  foreign  investment.  Public  land  can  only 
be  taken  up  by  a  citizen,  and  of  right  so  because  he  pays 
his  citizenship  for  his  title,  and  that  is  the  government's 
only  price  for  that  which  is  exclusively  its  own  ;  but 
when  the  individual  has  acquired  his  title  he  should  be 
permitted  to  sell  it,  as  anything  else  he  owns,  to  any  man 
or  set  of  men  who  would  pay  a  satisfactory  price.  If  he 
fritters  it  away  for  naught  he  is  a  fool,  as  would  be  the 
man  who  would  pay  rent  for  glory  and  to  please  the 
foreign  land-owner.  Legislation  is  not  the  remedy  for 
these  fools,  and  all  efforts  in  that  direction  tend  directly 
to  depress  the  price  of  land — and  why  ?  Because  a  good 
customer  is  taken  away  !  What  matters  it  if  John  Jones, 
who  happens  to  hav^e  his  mail  addressed  London,  Eng- 
land, owns  ten  thousand  acres  of  land  in  every  State  of 
the  Union,  provided  he  pays  his  tax  ?  He  cannot  carry 
the  land  away,  and  the  money  he  pays  for  it  remains  in 
this  country,  and  to  his  rent  he  is  entitled,  and  it  usually 
happens  that  the  tenant  secures  a  better  deal  from  a 
foreigner  than  from  a  home  landlord,  who  keeps  better 
apace  with  the  rapidly  advancing  tendencies  of  all 
American  properties  than  the  foreigner. 

Much  wrong  is  done  to  foreign  investors  by  unjust 
decrees  of  the  courts,  and  as  such  discrimination  is 
usually  followed  by  unanswerable  results,  vast  sums  of 
foreign  gold  (principally  British)  have  been  diverted  from 
America,  where  they  would  have  preferred  to  have 
placed  it,  and  been  taken  to  remoter  parts  of  the  world. 
The  Irish  element  in  American  politics  has  been  very 
hurtful  to  English  in\-estmcnt  ;  true,  the  money  comes 


PHRONOCRACY  265 

in  considerable  lots  notwithstanding  all,  but  more  by- 
many  millions  of  pounds  would  gladly  come  if  only 
fairly  treated.  It  is  this  very  class  that  excites  the 
opposition  to  foreign  ownership  in  America,  or,  rather, 
their  prejudice  against  England  has  almost  ruined  their 
own  island,  and  now  they  seek  to  ruin  America  too.  It 
is  admitted  by  very  many — in  fact,  some  say  by  a 
majority — of  the  resident  property-holding  Irishmen, 
that  the  continuous  agitation  of  the  land  question 
and  the  legislation  that  has  been  passed  in  the  futile 
endeavor  to  satisfy  the  complainants,  has  actually 
caused  more  harm  to  the  island  than  half  the  property  is 
worth. 

Man,  as  an  individual,  either  has  the  natural  right  to 
possess  property  or  he  has  not.  If  he  has  (as  the  con- 
servative people  of  the  world  admit,  and  which  few,  if 
any,  deny),  then  he  is  entitled  to  the  possible  enjoyment 
of  the  usufruct  of  that  property,  and  the  state  should 
not  only  not  interfere  with  said  title,  but  should  protect 
the  individual  in  its  retention.  It  is  not  an  argument 
against  the  right  to  hold  and  enjoy  property  to  say  that 
the  owner  once  acquired  it  cheap,  provided  that  owner- 
ship was  secured  by  the  highest  and  most  equitable 
means  recognized  at  the  time,  any  more  than  it  would 
be  good  logic  to  maintain  that,  if  it  was  acquired  by  the 
payment  of  an  exorbitant  price,  the  title  would  be  secure 
if  not  obtained  in  conformity  with  the  highest  recognized 
authority  at  the  time.  It  cannot  be  maintained,  either, 
that  the  sacrifice  of  excessive  individual  estates,  as  is 
vouchsafed  by  the  cumulative  rate,  is  of  itself  absolutely 
just,  but  this  is  a  penalty  of  increased  severity  imposed 
upon  the  excessively  wealthy  individual  for  the  good 
and  well-being  of  society,  just  as  the  original  sacrifice  of 
a  part  of  his  individual  rights  to  the  state  was  made  for 


266  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

the  good  of  society.  It  is  not  claimed  for  the  system 
that  it  is  absolutely  just  to  the  individual,  but  it  is 
frankly  admitted  that  it  is  discriminating  and  socialistic, 
but  it  is  supported  on  the  ground  that  the  discrimination 
is  directed  against  the  man  who  can  best  afford  it,  and 
not  against  those,  as  under  all  other  systems,  who  can 
least  afford  it,  and  the  socialistic  feature  of  it  is  no 
actual  harm,  even  to  those  whom  it  most  oppresses.  It 
cannot  therefore  be  charged  against  the  advocates  of 
cumulative  taxation  that  they  are  inconsistent,  that  they 
oppose  legislation  that  forces  a  landlord  to  practically 
sacrifice  his  land,  and  yet  favor  a  system  that  accomplishes 
the  same  thing  in  fact.  There  are  wide  distinctions 
and  obvious  differences  between  the  two,  even  more 
than  would  be  casually  recognized  by  those  who  possess 
the  ability  to  consider  and  the  candor  to  confess.  The 
one  strikes  directly  at  the  right  of  property  ownership  in 
the  abstract,  the  other  at  the  same  in  the  concrete  ;  or, 
rather,  the  first  recognizes  that  property  has  no  rights 
that  the  community  is  bound  to  respect,  and  the  latter 
that  it  has  (till  it  has  been  amassed  to  an  unreasonable, 
unwieldy,  and  useless  extent)  more  rights  even  than  has 
hitherto  been  granted  to  it.  Furthermore,  the  adoption 
by  the  country  of  some  such  general  system  will  relieve 
it  of  the  necessity  of  considering  the  passage  of  special 
acts  which  are  discriminating  and  oppressive  in  their 
effects,  and  which  are  usually  the  ebullitions  for  popu- 
larity of  some  blatherskite  in  legislative  assemblies. 
Such  representatives,  however,  are  the  inevitable  product 
of  the  present  debased  suffrage  system,  and  are  very 
hurtful  to  wise  and  prudent  legislation.  Nevertheless, 
they  arc  "  duly  chosen  "  as  a  result  of  the  prejudice  and 
ignorance  of  the  "great  unwashed,"  and  are  called  ''''  Jion- 
orable"  when /(?(?/ would  be  far  more  appropriate.    What 


PHRONOCRACY  26"] 

signifies  ^^  honor"  thus  unworthily  worn,  thus  prostituted, 
disgraced,  defiled  ? 

"  The  mere  word  's  a  slave, 

Debauch'd  on  every  tomb  ;  on  every  grave, 
A  lying  trophy,  and  as  oft  is  dumb, 
Where  dust  attd  damned  oblivion  is  the  tomb 
Of  honored  bones  indeed. " 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Desirableness  and  result  of  territorial  annexation — Some  opposition 
to  extending  the  boundaries — Other  land  thought  by  some  to  be 
useless — Value  to  the  countries  themselves  greater  than  to  the 
States — Final  preference  of  all  for  one  flag  over  all — Detail  of 
the  discussion  regarding  annexation — Tropical  lands  needed  by 
the  States — Better  acquire  land  suitable  to  tropical  products  than 
to  produce  them  by  taxation  and  bounties — North  America 
adapted  to  one  government  over  the  whole  continent — Likewise 
tend  to  make  customs,  language,  and  people  alike — Local  home- 
rule  vital — Possibility  of  division  in  North  America  if  local  rule 
is  molested. 

The  United  States  of  America  having,  after  the  acqui- 
sition of  the  Louisiana  country,  the  Mexican  conquest  of 
1846  and  1847,  and  the  purchase  of  Alaska,  acquired 
about  three  and  one  half  million  square  miles  of  terri- 
tory, and  the  entire  amount,  excepting  Alaska,  being 
joined  and  conterminous  from  ocean  to  ocean,  and,  as  if 
chosen  by  design,  within  those  parallels  of  latitude  that 
are  most  desirable,  and  beyond  which,  either  north  or 
south,  there  is  but  little  that  is  of  great  value,  it  appears 
as  though  the  talk  of  extension  of  territory  is  the  wildest 
bluster,  and  prompted  solely  by  the  desire  for  glory. 
Why  should  Canada  be  annexed  to  the  American  Union .'' 
it  is  asked.  The  States  can  produce  anything  that  can 
be  grown  in  Canada  save  icebergs,  and  they  possess 
little  value  save  beauty,  and  that  only  as  a  sunset  or  an 
aurora  shows  them  to  the  observer  to  advantage.  Why, 
likewise,  should  Mexico  and  Central  America  and  Cuba 

c68 


phk()N(x:racv  269 

be  annexed  to  the  American  Union?  That  land,  it  is 
claimed,  is  too  far  south  to  be  of  any  great  value.  The 
lakes  on  the  north  and  the  Rio  Grande  River  on  the 
south  are  the  natural  boundaries,  it  is  claimed,  and 
beyond  these  limitations  either  way  there  is  nothing, 
some  people  claim,  over  which  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
could  float  and  feel  within  the  sphere  of  their  accus- 
tomed conditions.  This  banner  now  waves,  it  is  said, 
over  about  the  only  part  of  North  America  that  is  fit  to 
be  called  the  "land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the 
brave,"  so  why  extend  it  farther  ?  Likewise  is  it  claimed 
that  the  present  limitations,  well  populated  and  well 
governed,  are  worth  more  and  will  be  greater  than  the 
entire  continent  besides,  for  the  reason  that  the  remain- 
der is  either  too  far  north  or  too  far  south  to  be  of  any 
profit,  but  must,  on  the  contrary,  be  a  constant  source  of 
trouble,  annoyance,  and  expense  ;  that  neither  Canada, 
Mexico,  nor  Central  America  are  more  than  self-sustain- 
ing, and,  by  reason  of  the  natural  conditions  that  afflict 
them,  they  never  can  become  great,  in  the  national  sense 
of  the  word.  Two  thirds  of  Canada  is  ice-bound  more 
than  half  the  year,  and  consequently  is  practically  unin- 
habitable. Mexico,  likewise,  is  an  elevated  plateau  in 
the  centre,  on  which  nothing  will  grow,  a  practical 
desert,  as  compared  with  the  lands  in  the  States,  save 
along  the  coasts  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  Gulf  of  Mex- 
ico, where  the  land,  though  fertile,  is  subjected  to  an 
inhospitable  clime,  fatal  to  foreigners,  scarce  innocuous 
to  natives,  and  if  so,  to  say  the  least,  so  enervating  and 
depressing  that  progress  to  any  great  extent,  as  the 
result  of  individual  enterprise,  is  practically  impossible. 
It  is  also  urged  against  Mexico  that  her  population  is 
composed  of  a  different  race  of  people,  speaking  a  differ- 
ent language,  with  different  wants,  customs,  desires,  and 


270  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

inclinations  ;  that  they  would  not  affiliate  with  or  become 
sympathetic  with  the  people,  and  that  the  cost  of  admin- 
istering justice  and  preserving  domestic  tranquillity  would 
be  greater  than  all  the  value  that  could  be  found  in  the 
country.  It  is  claimed  also  that  both  Mexico  and  Can- 
ada are  burdened  with  debt,  which  would  have  to  be 
provided  for,  and  that  to  make  either  of  these  countries 
a  part  of  the  great  Union  of  States,  in  the  benefits  of 
which,  CO  equally  with  any,  they  would  share  and  partici- 
pate, would  be  unjust,  and  that  we  would  get  practically 
in  return,  therefore,  nothing  save  debt,  disturbance,  and 
discontent. 

It  is  claimed,  on  the  other  hand,  that  both  of  these 
countries  could  be  governed,  if  annexed  to  the  States, 
at  less  than  half  the  cost  that  is  necessary  for  either 
independently  ;  that  the  maintenance  of  a  complete 
system  of  administration,  legislative,  judicial,  and  execu- 
tive— armies,  navies,  and  internal  and  coast  defences, 
would  be  but  little  more  for  one  hundred  million  than 
for  eighty  million  people,  and  practically  the  same  for 
one  hundred  and  fifty  million  as  for  one  hundred  and 
twenty  million,  so  that  the  present  expenditure  by  these 
separate  powers  for  the  maintenance  and  perpetuity  of 
these  civic  and  military  institutions  is  no  criterion  as  to 
the  expense  that  need  be  incurred,  if  made  a  part 
of  the  Union,  and  that  the  only  question  to  be  deter- 
mined is  the  mutual  desirableness  of  the  association. 
Both,  of  course,  cherish  national  patriotism  and  pride,  a 
fondness  for  their  own  flag  and  their  national  institutions, 
that  no  American  cares  to  alter  or  disturb.  All  objec- 
tions as  to  the  remoteness  of  the  country  are  entirely 
abandoned,  for  the  boundary  of  Canada  is  scarce  a 
stone's  throw  from  the  northern  boundary  of  the  States, 
and  the  city  of  Mexico,  on  the  other  extremity,  can  be 


PHkONXxkAcv  271 

reached  from  Washington  City  in  less  time  than  is  re- 
quired to  go  from  New  York  to  San  Francisco.  Like- 
wise is  any  desire  to  take  either  of  these  countries  by 
force  absolutely  suppressed.  There  arises,  however, 
throughout  the  entire  continent  what  is  termed  the 
"American  sentiment  " — that  is,  a  pride  in  the  greatness 
and  glory  of  this  quarter  of  the  whole  world.  Whether 
he  be  Canadian  or  Mexican,  he  is  yet  an  American,  and 
if  each  section  could  retain  its  local  control,  why  not,  for 
the  good  and  the  pride  of  all,  have  the  whole  together 
on  matters  exclusively  and  essentially  national  ?  If 
seven  tenths  of  the  population  and  nine  tenths  the 
wealth  of  this  quarter  of  the  world  can  not  only  be 
governed,  but  prosper  as  no  country  in  the  entire  world 
had  ever  prospered,  under  one  form  and  system  of 
government,  why  could  not  the  other  small  fraction 
participate  equally  in  that  prosperity  and  glory,  not  only 
to  the  great  advantage  of  their  local  institutions  (which 
would  not  only  be  retained  to  themselves,  but  solidified 
and  strengthened),  but  to  the  pride  of  each  in  the  gran- 
deur of — not  the  States,  not  Mexico,  not  Central  America, 
nor  Canada — but  of  America  from  ocean  to  ocean,  from 
the  Isthmus  to  the  Pole,  destined  by  the  forces  of 
nature  to  be,  not  only  one,  but  the  greatest  nation  of 
all }  Since  Canadians,  Mexicans,  and  Central  Americans 
would  participate  in  the  general  government  precisely  to 
the  same  proportionate  extent  as  any  of  the  existing  States 
in  the  lower  House,  and  exactly  to  the  same  extent  State 
for  State  in  the  Senate,  and  a  resident  of  either  of  their 
sections  might  become  President,  the  same  interest  and 
pride  could  be  taken  in  the  affairs  of  the  country  that  is 
manifested  in  any  other  section.  The  Mexican  govern- 
ment, though  more  stable  now,  has  been  for  years  un- 
certain and  despotic,  and  the  educated  property-holding 


2/2  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

people,  who  are  progressive  in  their  instincts,  and  who 
are  not  parties  in  the  spoils  of  government,  yearn  for 
such  a  condition  of  affairs  as  annexation  would  bring. 
They  have  seen  its  effects  in  California  and  the  West,  and 
can  imagine  no  cause  that  would  prevent  a  similar  con- 
dition in  Mexico. 

Their  lands,  they  are  certain,  would  bring  a  very 
greatly  enhanced  price  ;  the  better  classes  can  already 
speak  English  and  are  capable  of  affiliation.  The  whole 
country,  abandoning  pauper  suffrage,  would  remove  the 
objection  heretofore  urged  against  the  Mexican  peone 
population,  and  there  would  remain  no  reason  why 
America  should  not  be  America  nationally,  especially 
when  there  could  be  preserved  a  system,  the  value  and 
efficiency  of  which  had  been  tested,  whereby  localities 
could  nevertheless  control  their  domestic  affairs.  Pres- 
ent non-office-holding,  or  non-political  spoils  Mexicans 
would  be  eager  to  aspire  for  governorships  of  their 
States,  under  such  conditions  as  exist  in  the  northern 
sisterhood  ;  for  senators  in  the  upper  house  and  for 
representatives  in  the  lower  house  of  the  American 
Congress.  They  would  want  to  participate  in  what 
would  then  be  an  American  nation — in  fact,  as  much 
theirs  in  the  ratio  of  numbers  as  any  other  man's  ;  and, 
above  all,  they  would  want  to  effectually  settle  the 
supremacy  of  the  sword,  under  which  alone  they  have  so 
long  lived  and  suffered. 

Deputations  of  prominent  Mexicans  may  yet  visit 
Washington  City  and  consult  with  the  authorities  on 
some  plan  of  annexation.  To  this,  of  course,  the  Mexi- 
can government  would  at  first  be  very  hostile,  so  it 
might  have  to  be  done  secretly,  but  would  afterwards  be 
more  open.  The  authorities  at  Washington  could  be 
assured,  as  well  as  Americans  on  the  border,  that  if  any 


rHRO.\(JCRAc;V 


-73 


aid  or  countenance  would  be  given  ihem,  they  could 
maintain  a  successful  result ;  that  the  brain  and  property 
of  Mexico  wanted  to  be  annexed — knowing  as  they  would 
its  inestimable  benefits,— but  they  dare  not  speak  or  act 
in  any  concerted  direction  without  American  sympathy. 
All  know  that  there  would  be  no  disposition  in  the  States 
to  take  Mexico  by  force,  notwithstanding  the  earnest, 
though  suppressed,  desire  of  many  of  her  very  best 
citizens. 

There  is  no  question,  of  course,  as  to  the  ability  of  ten 
or  twenty  men  to  conquer  one  man,  or  that  a  thousand 
dollars  would  buy  more  and  larger  guns  than  one  dollar  ; 
but  conquest  would  not  be  the  thing.  Many  Americans 
have  already  invested  their  capital  and  are  making  their 
homes  in  Mexico  ;  large  mining  and  smelting  establish- 
ments have  been  built ;  immense  tracts  of  land  irrigated 
and  reclaimed  and  naturally  these  residents  are  sympa- 
thetic with  that  class  of  Mexicans  who  desire  annexation 
(which  will  be  the  better  class,  almost  to  a  man).  Quite 
as  enthusiastic  for  Mexican  annexation  to  America  as 
even  the  American  residents  of  the  country,  would 
doubtless  be  the  Englishmen  who  have  settled  there  in 
charge  of  British  investments.  England  cares  but  little 
even  for  Canada,  and  of  course  nothing  for  Mexico,  save 
to  trade  with  the  people  ;  and  since  it  looks  probable 
that  the  whole  of  North  America,  if  joined,  would  accept 
the  free-trade  policy,  which  is  impossible  with  cither 
Canada,  Mexico,  or  Central  America  if  separate  ;  and 
since  the  entire  eight  millions  of  square  miles  of  country 
would  then  be  accessible  to  British  enterprise,  it  would 
be  quite  natural  that  England  should  at  least  urge  no 
objection  to  the  amalgamation  of  all  American  countries, 
which  would  in  fact  be  to  her  interest  and  gain.     Thus 

the  Americans  and  Britishers,  together  with  the  Mexican 

i8 


274  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTV 

annexationists,  which  latter  class  would  include  practi- 
cally all  of  the  substantial  citizens  of  the  country  who 
were  not  a  part  of  or  in  sympathy  with  the  dominant 
political  power,  could  make  common  cause  for  an- 
nexation. Finally,  the  feeling  will  wax  so  warm  that 
meetings  will  be  held  for  the  discussion  of  the  question 
right  in  the  city  of  Mexico.  Allusion  will  be  made  to 
the  likelihood  of  Canadian  annexation  and  the  benefi- 
cent results  consequent  thereon,  which  are  now  ap- 
parent ;  the  talk  of  "  manifest  destiny  "  and  the  like  is 
now  current  and  widespread,  and  the  sentiment  could 
move  rapidly  on  until  at  last  the  hostile  factions  of  the 
dominant  Mexican  party  would  find  it  necessary  to 
institute  measures  of  suppression,  and  might  send  mes- 
sages of  complaint  to  the  administration  at  Washington. 
The  government  of  the  United  States  would  take  no 
part  in  the  movement,  which,  if  encouraged,  would  move 
over  Mexico  as  naturally  as  would  a  prairie  fire  fanned 
by  autumnal  -^'inds  and  fed  upon  the  sun-dried  grasses 
of  her  extensive  plains.  Discussion  would  become  lively 
in  the  States,  the  controversy  doubtless  drifting  on  to 
the  general  proposition  as  to  whether  or  not  annexation 
of  territory  is  to  the  interest  of  the  States.  Whilst  there 
is  apparently  no  particular  reason  for  or  special  good 
to  be  subserved  by  the  annexation  of  Canada — save  per- 
haps the  settlement  of  the  seal  and  fisheries  question, 
the  control  of  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and 
kindred  controversies,  none  of  which  are  of  very  great 
importance, — yet  territorial  domain  extending  to  the 
north  pole  would  be  placed  under  one  government,  and 
Avith  that  once  accomplished  the  desire  to  complete  the 
job  and  extend  the  same  flag  to  the  Isthmus,  would 
become  the  desire  of  almost  all  residents  of  the  conti- 
nent.    Annexation  does  not  signify  the  subjugation  of 


PHRONOCRACV  2/5 

Canada  or  Mexico  by  the  United  States,  but  their 
voluntary  preference  to  become  a  part  of  one  good 
government  for  the  good  of  all. 

This  would  relieve  much  of  the  sting  which  under 
other  circumstances  would  pierce  the  patriotic  breasts. 
As  to  Mexico,  there  are  a  great  many  reasons  upon  the 
part  of  its  own  and  the  peoj)le  of  the  North  why  it 
should  become  a  part.  The  States,  as  now  constituted, 
practically  end  at  latitude  30  north — this  being  about 
the  last  parallel  running  through  the  whole, — and  there 
are  very  many  tropical  plants,  vegetables,  and  fruits  that 
cannot  be  produced  so  far  from  the  equator. 

Mexico  and  Central  America  are  all  south  of  this,  and 
can,  and  if  properly  cultivated  would,  produce  every 
tropical  plant  that  civilization  needs.  The  States  can- 
not grow  sugar  to  supply  one  tenth  of  the  population, 
nor,  in  fact,  any  tropical  product  excepting  oranges  and 
lemons  in  Florida  and  California,  and  these  are  not 
essentially  tropical,  nor  is  the  climate  fully  suited  to  their 
best  development.  The  States  have  imported  sugar 
to  an  extent  that  has  produced  under  the  useless  tariff 
a  revenue  of  over  fifty  million  dollars  annually,  and 
under  a  proper  system  of  cultivation,  all  that  could  be 
grown  in  Mexico,  together  with  fruits  and  spices  of  an 
infinite  quantity  and  variety,  also  coffee,  tea,  and,  in  fact, 
everything  not  grown  in  the  States,  that  any  part  of  the 
world  could  supply.  On  the  other  hand,  Mexico  is 
dependent  on  the  States  or  other  outside  sources  ior 
all  sorts  of  manufactured  articles  and  implements  for 
agriculture — cotton,  woollens,  and  textile  fabrics, — in 
fact,  for  almost  everything  not  produced  directly 
from  the  earth.  What  applies  to  Mexico  is  equally  true 
as  to  Central  America,  and  in  both  the  land  suitable  for 
mineral  developments  is  practically  untouched.     Mexico 


27^  I'OLITICS    AN  J)    I'ROPER'rV 

needs  the  markets  of  the  States  for  her  silver-bearing 
lead  ores,  and  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  States 
need  the  ores,  they  are  practically  excluded  by  the  pro- 
hibitory tariff.  The  progressive,  non-official  Mexicans 
see  these  conditions,  and  Americans  likewise  see  great 
increased  opportunity  for  selling  machinery,  and  imple- 
ments, and  merchandise  in  general.  In  fact,  in  deciding 
the  question  as  to  the  desirableness  of  annexation,  it 
must  be  considered  as  any  other  business  proposition — to 
wit  :  is  it  worth  what  it  will  cost  to  the  parties  most  in- 
terested ?  That  country  is  of  course  the  most  nationally 
independent  that  can  produce  within  the  limits  of  its  own 
jurisdiction  all  the  commodities  required  for  civilized 
life,  but  to  attempt  to  accomplish  this  by  legislation  is 
utterly  impracticable  as  to  many,  and  usually  too  costly 
as  to  any  that  cannot  be  produced  from  nature's  unaided 
storehouses.  Oranges  cannot  be  made  to  grow  practi- 
cally in  Greenland's  icy  mountains,  nor  even  in  the 
vicinity  of  Nevv  York,  and  if  orange  culture  is  desirable 
it  is  decidedly  the  most  profitable,  reasonable,  and  com- 
mon-sense policy  to  secure,  if  possible,  land  on  which 
they  will  luxuriate  and  thrive  by  reason  of  its  inherent 
adaptability,  than  to  seek  to  accomplish  the  purpose  by 
legislation.  In  the  former  case  it  shuts  off  a  natural 
source  of  supply  and  forces  in  an  unnatural  one,  whereas 
by  the  latter  it  is  simply  a  matter  of  transportation.  In 
thirty  years  the  States  have  to  1890  averaged  fully  forty 
million  per  year  in  taxation  on  sugar,  making  one  billion 
two  hundred  million  that  her  people  have  paid  for  that 
commodity  in  excess  of  what  it  could  have  been  secured 
for,  if  land  of  sufficient  quantity  in  a  clime  that  was  suit- 
able had  been  procured  by  the  nation.  Likewise  so  with 
coffee  and  all  tropical  productions,  and  this  amount  is 
equal  to  the  then  value  of  all  land  and  property  south  of 


j'UKo.xocRAcv  277 

the  Rio  Grande.  Without  suitable  territory  tliere  must 
exist  a  state  of  utter  dependence  on  foreign  lands  for  all 
exogenous  productions,  or  tliere  must  be  instituted  a 
system  of  encouragement  or  support  by  protection  that 
is  invariably  discriminating  and  expensive,  if  not  alto- 
gether impracticable. 

Hence  the  great  necessity  of  a  thoroughly  equipped 
nation  possessing  territory,  if  such  can  be  obtained, 
that  will  produce,  naturally,  all  the  commodities  essen- 
tial to  the  needs  of  the  human  being  in  a  civilized 
state. 

Mexico  offers  this  supply  to  more  than  a  sufficient  ex- 
tent, if  the  land  therein  along  the  coast  of  the  Gulf  as 
well  as  the  Pacific  Ocean  is  properly  cared  for  and  culti- 
vated. That  these  lands  should  be  made  available  is  the 
great  wish  of  the  progressive  Mexicans,  who  are  almost 
always  English-speaking  Mexicans. 

The  two  countries  are  becoming  amalgamated  by 
other  ties  than  natural  and  commercial  interest.  The 
Mexicans  are  usually  dark-complexioned,  and,  on  the 
theory  of  contrast,  admired  the  light  skin  and  blue 
eyes  of  the  more  northern  women,  which  results  in  many 
unions  in  marriage  that  are  fruitful  of  good  results  to 
both.  Likewise  do  the  blue-eyed  northern  men  become 
enamoured  of  the  voluptuous  Mexican  ladies,  and  ere 
long  there  will  exist  a  bond  of  domestic  interest  and 
affinity  that  will  be  stronger  than  commercial  ties.  When 
the  belief  is  current,  both  in  Canada  and  Mexico,  that 
annexation  is  not  sought  by  the  States  as  a  matter  of 
subjugation  or  conquest,  and,  in  fact,' not  cared  for  by 
the  States  at  all,  save  for  such  motives  as  might  as  well 
prompt  both  Mexico  and  Canada — to  wit  :  the  naturali- 
zation of  North  America,  in  which  all  are  interested, 
and  should  cherish  just  pride, — it   will  not  be  opposed. 


2/8  I'OLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

The  States  are  not  only  the  most  populous  and  richest  of 
all  the  countries  in  North  America,  but  their  institutions 
are  the  most  progressive,  and  by  all  thought  to  be  the 
most  desirable  for  the  government  of  the  great  continent 
of  America,  especially  when  to  their  past  practically  work- 
ing system  is  now  proposed  to  be  added  an  improvement 
in  which  all  conservative  minds  sympathized — to  wit  : 
increased  security  by  the  curtailment  of  suffrage^  and  in- 
creased opportunity  by  the  extirpation  of  individual  monopoly. 
By  all  odds,  therefore,  if  the  systems  of  any  one  of  the 
nations  are  to  be  chosen  for  all,  to  say  nothing  about  the 
great  superiority  of  the  States  in  population,  wealth,  for- 
eign credit,  and  the  like,  that  of  the  American  Union  is 
preferable. 

These  considerations  will  effectually  annihilate  local 
antipathy,  so  that  about  the  only  opponents  that  will  re- 
main will  be  those  who  feast  and  fatten  off  the  Mexican 
public  crib — those  who  can,  by  the  force  of  arms,  per- 
petuate their  own  succession  and  that  of  their  friends 
forever.  The  States  have  been,  prior  to  1890,  sending 
into  Mexico  only  about  ten  million  dollars'  worth  of  goods 
annually,  when  the  total  value  of  importations  by  that 
country  has  been  in  the  neighborhood  of  forty  millions 
annually,  and  is  rapidly  increasing. 

Mexico  had  been  pi-evented  from  sending  to  the  States 
millions  of  tons  of  low-grade  ore,  and  millions  of  dollars' 
worth  of  tropical  products  and  valuable  woods,  which 
trade  could  not  only  be  carried  on  to  a  largely  increased 
extent,  but  the  lands  from  which  these  commodities 
came  would  be  more  than  quadrupled  in  value,  as  has 
been  the  case  in  California. 

By  retaining  local  government  for  their  states,  neither 
Canada,  Mexico,  nor  Central  America  would  yield  much 
power   that   it    would  be    desirable   to    retain  ;    in  fact, 


i'iiK().\()c:kAiv  J79 

no  more  than  the  existing  States  of  the  Union,  which 
are  not  only  richer  but  many  times  more  extensive 
than  the  whole  of  the  latter  or  of  the  habitable  por- 
tion of  the  former.  Americans  will  be  quick  to  grasp 
the  idea  that  the  suffrage  qualification  would  remove 
the  incubus  of  the  pcone  vote  of  Mexico,  as  it  will 
do  in  the  Southern  States  regarding  the  equally  ob- 
jectionable and  equally  unworthy  negro  vote,  as  well 
as  clear  or  rather  wrest  political  power  from  the  slums 
of  the  large  cities  hitherto  in  the  hands  of  the  off- 
scourings of  the  earth,  and  place  it  in  the  hands  of  the 
conservative  middle  classes  in  the  cities  and  the  property- 
holding  residents  of  the  country,  all  of  whom  know 
something  about  government,  and  possess  something  to 
be  affected  by  it.  These  considerations  remove  the 
objection  which  has  been  for  a  long  time  fatal  to  the 
discussion  of  the  annexation  idea,  and  the  commercial 
feature  will  make  the  thing  very  popular.  Instead  of 
selling  ten  million  dollars  into  Mexico,  there  would  be  a 
certainty  of  selling  fifty,  even  on  the  existing  basis  of 
population,  and  the  possibilities  of  that  country  in  min- 
erals, mines,  valuable  woods,  and  all  tropical  products 
are  simply  beyond  computation.  Of  course,  in  the  event 
of  annexation,  every  one  understands  that  individual 
property  rights  of  all  kinds  would  not  only  be  preserved 
inviolate,  but  confirmed  by  the  strongest  possible  power — 
to  wit,  the  fiat  of  the  property-holding  people  of  a  nation 
governing  one  quarter  of  the  entire  globe,  and  that 
quarter  in  climate  and  natural  resources  capable  of  sus- 
taining ten  times  the  population  of  all.  It  would  extend, 
not  like  Russia  and  Siberia,  around  the  frozen  regions  of 
the  ice-bound  north,  but  through  all  climes  to  perpetual 
summer,  and  that,  too,  with  uniform  breadth,  and  popu- 
lated by  people  suitable   to  their  localities.     Not   like 


28o  POLITICS    ANL)    PRUPKUTV 

England — a  small  gem  ia  the  Atlantic — governing  most 
of  her  domain  over  countless  miles  of  trackless  ocean, 
but  in  one  compact  body,  co-extensive,  and  contermi- 
nous, a  world  complete  within  itself,  which  neither  the 
United  States  (with  all  her  resources  for  lack  of  tropical 
country),  nor  Canada,  nor  Mexico,  nor  Central  America 
can  ever  be  alone.  Now  that  people  have  advanced  suffi- 
ciently in  civilization  and  intelligence  to  know  that  the 
best  possible  means  of  making  a  nation  great  is  to  grant 
to  a  central  power  only  such  concerns  as  are  national  in 
their  character,  and  leave  to  the  localities  all  domestic 
control,  the  question  of  distance,  and  territorial  extent 
does  not  figure  in  the  calculation,  especially  in  America, 
where  from  the  Capitol  the  extremes  could  be  reached  in 
a  week,  though  practically  covering  a  fourth  of  the  world. 
Civilized  men  want  the  products  of  the  earth  ;  they 
require  furs  of  the  seal  and  the  white  bear,  and  likewise 
do  they  want  the  banana,  the  mango,  and  the  olive. 
They  travel  from  the  boreal  blasts  of  the  ice-bound  north 
to  the  balmy  zephyrs  of  the  sunlit  south.  They  will  go 
bounding  over  the  billowy  plain  with  antelope  motion, 
and  climb  the  highest  peak  at  early  dawn,  where  the 
crags  and  rocks  stand  out  vividly,  and  are  clothed  with 
glittering  spangles  of  sunlit  dew.  They  prefer  to  possess 
all  these  varieties  under  their  own  flag,  and  not  only  do 
personal  pride  and  national  glory  prompt,  but  commerce 
and  complete  independence  demand,  that  "  from  land  of 
ice  to  land  of  sun  the  railway  lines'  through  cars  shall  run." 
Both  Mexico  and  Canada,  as  well  as  Central  America, 
could  be  divided  into  states,  the  population  of  which 
could  be  made  equal  to  the  average  of  existing  American 
States,  which  would  be  fair,  just,  and  reasonable,  and 
thus  said  populations  being  small,  would  add  altogether, 
perhaps,  rot  more  than  ten  States  to  the  existing  galaxy 


PHRONOCRACY  281 

of  sovereign  stars.  To  Cuba,  arguments  for  annexation 
apply  with  even  greater  force  than  to  Mexico  and  Cen- 
tral America,  and  it  is  even  more  strongly  desired  by  her 
property-holding  citizens  than  by  that  class  in  the 
former  ;  but  Cuba  cannot  revolt  ;  Spain  will  not  volun- 
tarily abdicate,  and  the  States  are  neither  ready  to  pur- 
chase nor  to  conquer.  Ten  additional  States  would  add 
only  twenty  United  States  Senators,  making  one  hundred 
and  eight  altogether,  by  no  means  an  unwieldy  number, 
and  the  remaining  territories  will  add  but  few.  Still 
better  than  all  this,  the  suffrage-qualification  feature  of 
the  Phronocratic  creed  Vould  materially  reduce  the 
membership  of  the  House  of  Representatives.,  now  too 
unwieldy  for  either  expedition  in  legislation  or  the  proper 
consideration  thereof.  Representation  could  be  based 
on  about  fifteen  thousand,  and  the  membership  would 
not  likely  exceed  two  hundred  on  the  present  popula- 
tion, and  its  increase  in  quality  would  more  than  com- 
pensate for  its  decrease  in  quantity.  The  prevailing 
predilection  to  resist  innovations  has,  perhaps,  prevented 
many  an  error  that  might  have  been  baneful,  but  on  the 
contrary  it  has  estopped  many  an  improvement  that 
would  have  bettered  the  conditions  of  men.  *'  Let  well 
enough  alone,"  is  a  good  maxim,  but  if  never  altered,  the 
cave  or  a  hole  in  the  ground  might  to  this  day  have  been 
the  habitations  of  the  noblest  animals  of  them  all.  The 
scoffer  at  suggestions  for  alteration,  even  though  in  his 
opinion  they  are  not  improvements,  would  be  a  great 
enemy  to  civilization  and  progress  v.ere  it  not  for  the 
fact  that  he  is  usually  a  fool  and  his  utterances  vapid. 
"  An  eagle  soaring  in  all  his  height  might  be  hooted  at 
by  a  mouthing  owl,"  but  on  he  would  soar,  like  "  heaven's 
cherubim  horsed  upon  the  sightless  couriers  of  the  air," 
with  head  uplifted,  and  wings  outspread,  till  he  bathed 


282  POLITICS    AND    PROPERTY 

bis  plumage  in  the  silvery  vapors  of  a  sunlit  cloud,  and 
the  owl  might  hoot  till  darkness — his  element — shrouded 
the  world  in  gloom.  Thus  with  the  progressive  men  and 
the  scoffers  : 

"  Poison,  be  the  latter 's  drink  ! 
Gall,  worse  than  gall,  the  daintiest  that  they  taste  ! 
Their  sweetest  shade  a  grove  of  cypress  trees  ! 
Their  chiefest  prospect,  murdering  basilisks  ! 
Their  softest  touch,  as  smart  as  lizard's  stings  ! 
Their  music  frightful,  as  the  serpents'  hiss  ; 
And  boding  screech-owls  make  the  concert  full  of 
All  the  foul  terrors  in  dark-seated  Hell." 

Next  unworthy  to  the  scoffers  are  those  who  are  too 
weak  and  timid  for  independent  political  action.  Many 
a  man  doth  hate  the  King,  but  preferreth  rather 

"  To  bend  the  pregnant  hinges  of  the  knee 
That  thrift  may  follow  fawning," 

than  to  boldly  assert  his  views,  and  act  on  his  convic- 
tions. Hence  it  is  that  the  multitudes  must  go  together 
almost  at  one  great  surge,  else  individuals  will  wait  to 
see  how  the  cat  may  jump.  There  existed  scarce  a  man 
in  public  life  in  1890,  who  ever  conceived  or  suggested 
anything,  and  few  who  did  suggest  anything  were  ever 
elected.  Most  who  were  chosen  were  the  result  of  a 
combination  between  the  contending  factions  of  greater 
or  better  men,  who  could  and  did  conceive  something,  or 
they  were  as  logs  floated  in  on  the  tide  or  down  the 
brooks  in  a  freshet. 

Apathy  as  to  old  matters,  and  cowardice  as  to  new, 
keeps  real  issues  out,  and  puts  money  in  to  settle  a 
political  controversy.  Party  organization  and  party 
discipline  are  both  good  things,  but  individual  indepen- 


l'lIR(JNOCRACV  283 

dence  of  action,  so  as  to  put  the  party  in  the  van  of  living 
issues,  is  the  necessity  of  the  day.  The  trite  and  oft 
repeated  adage  that  "he  serves  his  party  best  who 
serves  his  country  best,"  should  be  ridiculed.  A  man 
becomes  a  member  of  a  party,  that  is,  a  Republican  or  a 
Democrat,  or  a  Phronocratic  supporter  of  cumulative 
taxation,  suffrage  qualification,  anti-centralization,  and 
American  federation,  becausje  he  thinks  that  the  princi- 
ples advanced  by  these  organizations  are  best  suited  to 
the  greatest  number  of  his  countrymen,  and,  such  being 
the  case,  how  could  he  serve  his  country  better  than  to 
serve  his  party  faithfully  and  unconditionally  ;  for  with- 
out organization  there  is  bound  to  be  discord,  and  where 
there  is  discord,  there  is  no  progress.  Party  organiza- 
tion, party  fealty,  and  party  discipline,  are  the  means  to 
a  successful  end,  and  when  the  Phronocratic  avalanche 
shall  once  begin  to  move,  for  the  very  reason  that  its 
platform  is  conservative  and  unmistakable,  there  is  no 
organization  of  men  that  will  be  so  loyal,  so  united,  and 
so  true,  as  those  who  stand  for  cumulative  taxation, 
suffrage  qualification,  American  federation,  and  anti- 
centralization,  with  its  typical  insignia, — a  four-leafed 
clover,  and  the  significant  name  "  Phronocracy." 

It  is  universally  admitted,  that  control  of  the  govern- 
ment of  North  America  as  an  entirety,  from  the  Isthmus 
to  the  Arctic,  under  the  improved  conditions  relative  to 
suffrage,  transportation,  and  the  general  administration 
of  civil  affairs,  would  be  easier  than  was  that  of  the 
original  thirteen  States,  (void,  as  they  were  of  facilities 
for  transportation,  etc.,  etc.,)  or  of  the  amount  of  country 
owned  at  any  subsequent  date.  There  is  absolutely 
nothing  in  the  way,  or  that  would  in  the  slightest  degree 
prevent,  save  the  abrogation  of  that  all-csscntial  princi- 
ple— local  self-government.     This  annulled  and  no  tenth 


284  POLITICS    AND    PROFERIV 

part  of  North  America  as  it  is,  would  be  content  in 
a  Union,  but  with  it  fully  recognized,  all  prefer  fraternity 
and  indissolubility,  concord  and  sympathy — ''''union  and 
liberty,  nozv  and  forever,  one  and  inseparable."  By  reason 
of  the  negro  (forgotten  be  the  day  that  his  black  face  and 
kinky  hair  was  ever  imported  from  the  land  of  his  sires  ! ) 
one  rebellion  has  occurred  in  America,  and  even  in  1S99, 
thirty  years  thereafter,  fellow-feeling  and  good-will  be- 
tween the  sections  are  still  hampered  by  reason  of  that 
same  negro.  The  North  wishes  his  vote,  and  the  South 
cannot  and  will  not  stand  his  rule,  hence  it  appears  that, 
unless  the  suffrage-qualification  movement  is  adopted 
(which  would  forever  settle  all  feeling),  there  might  again 
be  another  struggle  on  account  of  that  same  negro.  If 
such  should  ever  come  to  pass,  the  result  would  probably 
be  that  from  the  Ohio  and  Potomac  Rivers,  west  to  the 
Pacific,  and  by  the  annexation  of  Mexico,  Cuba,  and 
Central  America,  south  to  the  Isthmus,  there  would  be 
established  the  "  Southern  Republic  of  A^orth  America" 
and  from  these  rivers  north  to  the  Arctic  Sea,  the 
^^  Northern  Republic  of  North  America."  In  the  former, 
curtailed  suffrage,  on  account  of  the  ever  present  negro, 
and  of  its  general  sound  policy,  together  with  restricted 
individual  accumulations,  and  with  absolute  free  trade 
with  every  nation  of  the  earth  ;  and  in  the  latter.  Plutoc- 
racy to  excess,  and  Democracy  to  excess,  or  communistic 
tendencies,  with  universal  suffrage,  and  a  protected  au- 
tocracy with  universal  monopoly.  However,  the  farmers 
and  conservative  city  residents,  both  north  and  south, 
should  resist  and  prevent  the  tendency  towards  interfer- 
ence with  home  rule,  destroy  force  bills  forever,  and  erect 
on  the  ruins  of  all,  the  precepts  of  Phronocracy,  which 
will  be  the  salvation  of  all.  It  is  not  claimed  for  the 
propositions   advanced  that    they  are    original     or    new. 


PHRONOCRACY  285 

The  material  substances  of  nature  doubtless  always 
existed  and  ever  will  exist  ;  so  human  thoughts,  more 
or  less  forcible,  have  existed  in  the  minds  of  men  since 
men,  as  such,  were  evoluted  from  inanimate  substance 
and  crude  material  by  cosmic  energy.  Thoughts  doubt- 
less have  existed  in  incipient  degree  in  all  animated 
things,  and  possibly  in  stones  and  trees  as  well  as  in 
every  grade  of  men.  Granite  has  existed  in  the  ada- 
mantine hills  for  countless  millions  of  ages,  and  the 
matter  of  which  it  is  composed  is  doubtless  coeval  with 
the  universal  whole.  The  question  is  not  have  we  dixov- 
ered  the  quarry,  but  have  we  carved  the  statue  ?  So  from 
the  chaos  of  human  thought  it  is  not  the  question,  have 
we  originated  the  myriads  of  ideas  that  are  scattered 
broadcast  in  limitless  confusion  and  labyrinthian  hetero- 
geneity, but  have  we  wzfmowcd  the  wheat  from  the  chaff  and 
arranged  the  valuable  material  into  systems  from  which 
practical  results  can  be  obtained  ?  Nature  arranges  few 
of  its  substances  in  right  lines,  and  makes  few  of  its 
surfaces  smooth  and  ornamental.  Its  roads  are  rough, 
its  paths  tortuous,  and  its  ways  are  winding.  In  native 
forests,  trees  are  seldom  arranged  in  exact  geometrical 
figures  ;  and,  just  so,  crude  ideas  are  seldom  grouped  in 
practical  propositions.  A  few  integers  are  susceptible  of 
many  combinations,  most  all  of  which  are  rude,  fantastical 
forms.  The  question  is,  does  Phronocracy  combine  any 
of  these  so  as  to  make  an  ensemble  that  will  result  in 
greater  good  to  a  greater  number  than  existing  outra- 
geous and  useless  inequalities,  and  if  not  what  will  1  If 
so,  is  it  practicable,  is  it  just,  and  if  not  what  is  ? 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Governments  in  general — Advance  in  civilization  liberalizes  all  gov- 
ernments— Absolute  monarchy  and  limited  monarchy — A  de- 
mocracy and  a  republic  defined — America  a  republic,  not  a 
democracy — Strict  construction  of  federal  power  essential — 
Republics  presuppose  intelligence — Excessive  democracy  is  akin 
to  socialism — Xo  federal  aid  or  supervision  of  schools — Opposi- 
tion to  all  kinds  of  paternalism — Frequent  elections  continued 
save  as  to  judges — Local  government  essential  in  all  progressive 
states  and  for  all  enlightened  people. 

Because  an  absolute  monarchy  or  a  despotism  is 
almost  universally  acknowledged  among  civilized  people 
to  be  anti-progressive  and  inherently  wrong,  it  does  not 
follow  that  the  radically  and  diametrically  opposite  sys- 
tem (universal  suffrage)  is  absolutely  progressive  and 
inherently  right.  It  is  possible  to  err  on  the  one  side 
just  the  same  as  on  the  other.  Doubtless  among  the 
wild  beasts  that  roam  in  the  forests  nothing  save  cages 
or  chains  will  guarantee  any  restraint,  and  that  for 
insubordination  it  may  be  that  death  would  be  the  only 
proper  penalty.  So  among  the  higher  order — that  is, 
human  brutes — a  similar  exercise  of  power  would  per- 
haps alone  be  available  or  in  any  way  meet  the  require- 
ments of  the  case. 

It  is  evident,  however,  that  as  human  beings  cease  to 
be  brutes,  that  kind  of  government  which  was  suitable 
for  brutes  ceases  to  be  the  thing  for  the  human  beings, 
and  the  greater  divergence  from  the  animal  state,  the 

286 


PHRONOCRACY  28/ 

greater  must  it  be  in  the  governmental  state  ;  hence, 
eventually,  if  things  mundane  continue  to  progress  as  they 
have  for  the  last  iifty  centuries,  all  absolute  monarchies 
or  despotisms  must  go,  as,  in  the  most  enlightened  por- 
tions of  the  earth,  they  have  already  gone.  From  a 
despotism,  in  which  all  power  and  absolute  unrestraint 
is  vested  in  the  king,  there  is  really  no  tenable  position 
that  can  be  assumed  except  such  as  places  power  practi- 
cally with  the  people,  but  upon  the  people  there  should 
be  placed  a  wholesome  restraint.  The  limited  mon- 
archy represents  a  government  in  which  the  prerogatives 
of  the  king  are  proscribed.  From  the  limited  monarchy 
to  a  limited  republic  or  a  Phronocracy  the  step  is  very 
short ;  in  fact,  the  abolition  of  the  image  of  sovereignty, 
and  the  creation  in  its  stead  of  an  actual  entity,  made  so, 
for  a  certain  time  by  the  consent  of  the  people,  repre- 
sents about  the  entire  items  of  difference.  Of  popular 
forms  of  government  there  are  two,  with  some  distinc- 
tions, but  little  if  any  difference  : 

First — A  democracy,  derived  from  two  Greek  words, 
dfjiAO^y  signifying  "  the  people,"  and  upaToi,  "  strength," 
or  sovereignty  en  masse. 

Second — A  republic,  derived  from  two  Latin  words 
res,  signifying  "a  thing"  or  "an  affair,"  and  publica, 
"public." 

Democracy  really  means  "  a  government  by  the  people  ; 
a  form  of  government  in  which  the  supreme  power  is  in 
the  hands  of  the  people,  and  directly  exercised  by  them  ; 
hence,  more  usually,  a  form  of  government  in  which  the 
power  resides  ultimately  in  the  whole  people,  who  con- 
duct it  by  a  system  of  representation  and  delegation  of 
powers  ;  a  constitutional  and  representative  govern- 
ment ;  a  republic." 

A  republic  signifies  "  a   state   in  which  the  sovereign 


288  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

power  is    exercised   by  representatives   elected   by  the 
people  ;  a  commonwealth  ;  a  democracy. 

Hence,  in  the  abstract,  a  republic  is  a  democracy,  and 
a  democracy  a  republic.  In  the  concrete,  however, 
there  may  be  considered  to  be  a  slight  difference,  to 
wit  ;  in  a  well-constituted  republic,  as  the  United  States 
of  America,  the  government  is  administered  by  repre- 
sentatives chosen  by  the  people,  and  in  a  democracy 
by  the  people  in  a  body,  as  in  some  of  the  ancient  states 
of  Greece.  The  distinction,  therefore,  if  there  be  any, 
is  that  a  republic  is  one  step  further  from  the  people 
than  a  democracy,  yet  the  two  terms  are  almost  synony- 
mous and  interchangeable.  Since,  however,  govern- 
ments of  great  magnitude  cannot  be  administered  by 
the  people  in  a  body,  and  must  be  operated  by  repre- 
sentatives thereof,  chosen  in  an  agreed  manner,  and 
clothed  with  certain  powers,  the  term  ''republic"  is 
closer  to  that  condition  which  exists  in  America,  and 
which  must  exist  in  all  large  congregations  of  people 
possessing  popular  governmental  forms,  than  is  the  term 
"democracy."  In  America,  the  party  called  Republican 
is  supposed  to  represent  that  portion  of  the  population 
that  tends  towards  centralization — that  is,  the  party  that 
favors  a  liberal  construction  of  the  powers  conferred  by 
the  federal  Constitution  on  Congress,  and  is  inclined 
rather  to  enlarge  the  scope  of  federal  jurisdiction  ;  and 
the  party  called  Democratic  tends  rather  toward  a  strict 
construction  of  the  powers  conferred  upon  Congress  by 
the  Constitution,  and  opposes  any  enlargement  of  the 
scope  of  the  central  power.  Of  the  two  positions  the 
latter  is  by  far  the  more  reasonable,  since  it  is  but  right, 
if  there  be  a  constitution,  that  it  be  construed  with 
absolute  strictness,  for  if  liberal,  then  how  liberally,  and 
where  is   the  limit?     If  certain   powers  are   delegated, 


PIIRONOCRACY  289 

then  beyond  these  powers  the  federal  government 
should  not  go,  until  the  said  powers  are  enlarged  in  the 
manner  prescribed,  or  until  additional  powers  are 
granted  in  the  form  set  forth  and  agreed  to  by  the  par- 
ties to  the  compact. 

There  are,  however,  some  general  clauses  in  the  Con- 
stitution, as  "  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  these  pro- 
visions into  effect,"  and  the  like,  that  give  fair  ground 
for  the  belief,  that  it  was  intended  that  in  times  of 
emergency  the  strict  construction  might  be  varied,  or, 
rather,  that  Congress  might  do  incidental  things  that 
would  practically  extend  the  scope  of  the  specific  pow- 
ers. It  comes,  therefore,  to  a  question  of  individual 
preference.  Those  who  think  the  interests  of  the  whole 
v.'ould  be  best  subserved  by  increasing  the  scope  of 
federal  jurisdiction,  call  themselves  Republicans  ;  and 
those  who  think  that  the  powers  of  the  general  govern- 
ment should  be  strictly  confined,  call  themselves  Demo- 
crats. 

The  tendency  of  the  times  being  towards  that  principle 
which  prefers  "  that  nothing  shall  be  done  by  the  general 
government  which  the  local  authorities  are  competent  to 
do,  and  nothing  by  any  governmental  power  that  indi- 
viduals can  do  for  themselves,"  it  must  soon  be  almost 
universally  accepted,  in  fact  tacitly  agreed,  that  Con- 
gress shall  do  absolutely  nothing  save  such  things  as  are 
expressly  set  forth,  and  everything  that  may  be  done 
under  general  clauses  should  be  made  obligatory,  if  con- 
tested, only  by  the  vote  of  two  thirds  of  the  congressional 
delegations  and  three  fourths  the  State  legislatures, 
which  would  leave  no  longer  any  room  for  discussion  as 
to  the  proper  limitations  of  the  delegated  powers  of  the 
federal  Congress.     Most  of  the  political  differences  after 

the  adoption  of  cumulative  taxation  and  suffrage  qualifi- 
19 


290  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

cation  will  doubtless  rest  on  the  question  of  a  further 
increase  of  the  latter  as  the  population  becomes  dense. 
However,  since  it  is  not  the  amount  of  property  or  the 
scope  of  his  education  that  is  to  entitle  a  man  to  suffrage, 
but  simply  a  requirement  that  to  participate  in  same  he 
must  attain  a  certain  standard  of  excellence,  it  will  doubtless  = 
be  unnecessary  to  increase  the  rate.     The  very  existence 
of   a   republic   pre-supposes  intelligence,  since  for  the 
bestial  and  ignorant  the  despotism  is  the  only  proper 
form,  consequently    strenuous   effort   should   never   be 
abated  until  intelligence  and  property  to  proper  limita- 
tions are  made  the  conditions  of  republican  citizenship 
everywhere.      The  distinction  between  a  democracy  and 
a  republic  is  so  small  that  it  is  scarcely  appreciable,  and 
Democrats,  as  they  now  exist,  when  really  the  only  vital 
question  is  free  trade  or  protection,  have  in  their  ranks 
many  men  who  favor    even  a  more  concentrated  gov- 
ernmental system  than  is  advocated  by  the  Republicans, 
and  the  Republicans,  a  protective  organization,  have  in 
their  ranks  many  free-trade  sympathizers.     There  are, 
therefore,  no  absolute  lines  of  demarcation.    Republicans 
hate  the  name  of  Democrat,  and  a  Democrat  hates  the 
name  of  Republican.     He  who  has  previously  affiliated 
with  either  will   not  change  his   political  name  to  the 
other,  even  though   in  principles  he  recognizes  in  the 
organization  of  his  opponents  that  which  would  be  most 
conducive  to  the  interests  of  himself  and  his  country. 
Hence  it  is  that  those  who  advocate  cumulative  taxation, 
free  trade,  suffrage  qualification,  and  the  other  progres- 
sive tenets  of  political  organizations  are  obliged  to  adopt 
a  name  differing  from  either  of  the  old  organizations. 
The  control  of  excessive  individual  accumulations,  free 
trade,  and  increased  opportunity  to  the  individuals  of 
the  masses  is  democratic  enough  for  many  Democrats, 


PIIRONOCRACV  291 

and  the  curtailment  of  suffrage  and  the  general  concen- 
tration of  power  to  within  the  qualified  members  of 
society  is  centralizing  enough  for  many  Republicans,  but 
the  position  is  neither  all  Democratic  nor  all  Republican, 
neither  Plutocratic,  nor  Democratic,  nor  Aristocratic,  nor 
Autocratic,  nor  Gynecocralic,  but,  resting  on  judgment, 
prudence,  and  sense,  is  "  Phronocratic." 

It  involves  a  representative  electoral  system,  which  is 
the  proper  signification  of  the  word  republic,  but  it 
curtails  the  right  of  participation  therein  to  those  only 
who  can  show  certain  excellence  or  fitness  for  the  privi- 
lege, as  is  required  for  participation  in  all  other  channels 
of  civilized  life.  The  advocates  of  these  special  views, 
therefore,  may  sometimes  be  called  "Conservatives"  and 
sometimes  "  Phronocrats,"  either  being  appropriate. 
The  difficulty  of  securing  independent  political  action 
will  for  a  long  time  be  discouraging^  but  it  is  known  that 
there  already  exists  such  an  undercurrent  of  sympathy 
that  it  must  one  day  burst  out  with  astounding  strength 
and  fury.  Party  fealty  is  to  be  prized,  yet  parties  void 
of  principles  or  of  any  direct  object  are  useless  both  to 
their  members  and  the  state,  hence  the  lack  of  necessity 
for  that  close  adherence  to  name  that  is  expected  of  an 
advocate  of  any  fixed  purpose  or  principle. 

The  proposed  system  of  government  is  not,  as  stated, 
properly  described  by  either  of  the  names  applied  to  the 
two  great  existing  parties.  It  is,  of  course,  in  all  respects 
a  republic,  but  not,  however,  in  the  sense  that  the  term 
has  been  used,  but  one  in  which  the  representatives  are 
to  be  chosen  not  by  the  people  absolute  and  uncon- 
ditional, but  by  the  people  within  certain  limitations.  It 
cannot  be  considered  a  "  Plutocracy,"  because,  whilst 
the  wealth  of  the  country  had  its  share  of  consideration 
and    representation,    yet    against    the    government    by 


292  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

wealthy  classes  alone,  which  the  term  really  signifies, 
there  is  a  vigorous  and  effectual  restraint  in  the  cumula- 
tive tax.  It  is  to  that  degree  socialistic  that  it  looks 
toward  a  surrender  to  the  state  for  community  purposes 
of  a  certain  portion  of  excessive  individual  property,  yet 
it  is  not  essentially  a  socialistic  position.  It  is,  in  fact,  a 
compromise  between  excessive  democracy  or  socialism 
and  excessive  republicanism  or  plutocracy,  in  the  strict 
sense  of  these  terms,  yet,  nevertheless,  essentially  a  re- 
publican form.  The  people  as  a  whole  will  not  rule  as 
is  especially  signified  by  the  term  "  Democracy,"  so  that 
the  term  "  Phronocracy,"  signifying  a  "limited  repub- 
lic," appears  to  cover  the  case  better  than  anything  else. 
Its  policy  expressly  supports  the  republican  or  represen- 
tative system,  but  proposes  to  "  limit  "  same  to  within 
certain  lines,  representing  moderate  wealth  and  adequate 
knowledge.  Many  Democrats  will  refrain  from  support- 
ing such  a  party's  candidates  simply  because  the  word 
Phronocracy  is  to  be  the  name  of  the  organization,  but 
Democrats  certainly  favor  republicanism,  for  what  is  a 
republic  but  the  very  form  under  which  the  Democrats 
live  ?  A  government  that  is  a  republic  must  be  republi- 
can, and  the  fact  is  that  the  United  States  of  America  is 
a  Republic  and  not  a  Democracy,  which  latter  signifies  a 
government  by  the  people  as  a  whole,  which  could  not 
exist  in  a  great  country,  and  never  existed,  essentially, 
save  in  some  of  the  ancient  states  of  Greece.  The  word 
republic  signifies  more  properly  that  representative  sys- 
tem in  force  in  America,  and  to  "  limit "  the  selection  of 
that  representation  certainly  would  constitute  a  "  limited 
republic,"  or  Phronocracy  a  "  limited "  electoral  and 
representative  system. 

The  right  to  be  a  representative  would,  of  course,  be 
"  limited  "  to  within  the  limited  class  of  electors  ;  both 


I'lIRONOCRACY  293 

are  expected  to  reach  a  certain  standard  of  excellence, 
and  he  who  should  vote  should  be  capable  to  represent. 

Under  the  present  system,  such  is  not  the  case,  and 
monstrous  mal-administration  ofttimes  results  simply 
from  downright  incapacity.  The  Democrats  of  the 
South  will  not  be  alarmed  by  the  term  Phronocracy, 
nor,  if  any  prefer  it,  by  the  equally  applicable  term 
"  Conservative,"  which  latter  some  Northern  thin  skins 
but  thick  skulls  may  think  is  a  term  signifying  English 
oppression  towards  Ireland.  The  South  has  no  enmity 
towards  England  ;  it  does  not  sympathize  in  the  Amer- 
ican-Irish agitation,  knowing  it  to  be  both  presumptuous 
and  unreasonable  ;  the  white  element  is  for  free  trade 
almost  to  a  man — at  least  such  are  the  sympathies  of 
the  vast  majority  ;  and  the  English  position  on  that 
subject  is  thought  by  the  South  to  be  reasonable,  proper, 
and  in  keeping  with  the  advanced  ideas  of  commerce 
and  trade.  The  South  sells  England  its  cotton,  and  is 
quite  willing  that  the  United  States  government  shall  per- 
mit England  to  enable  the  people  of  the  South  to  make  an 
additional  profit  by  buying  England's  cheap  goods.  A 
dollar  saved  in  purchase  is  the  same  as  a  dollar  made 
in  sales,  hence  why  not  make  both  available  ?  The  South 
favors  the  strongest  possible  system  of  local  self-govern- 
ment, or  the  anti-centralization  features  of  the  proposed 
organization,  which  confines  the  federal  government 
to  within  its  strictly  construed  limitations,  and  above 
all  the  South  could  by  the  qualification  feature,  practi- 
cally disfranchise  the  negro  (being  more  anxious  to 
utilize  his  work  than  his  vote),  and  yet  not  decrease  the 
proportionate  representation  in  Congress  or  in  the  elec- 
toral college  of  that  hitherto  solid  section — solid  against 
the  negro  and  discriminating  paternal  governments. 

Most  of  the  hide-bound  Democrats  who  will  object  to 


294  rOLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

the  term  "  Phronocrats  "  or  "  Conservatives  "  will  be  the 
irresponsible  foreigners  of  the  lower  wards,  who  would 
be  suppressed  as  they  should  long  ere  this  have  been, 
by  the  qualification  requirement.  This  class  is  not 
wanted,  except  as  the  individuals  thereof  make  them- 
selves worthy  by  acquiring  the  necessary  excellence. 
Since  in  the  propositions  and  creed  of  the  Phronocrats 
or  "  Conservatives  "  there  appears  nothing  that  aims  at 
the  exercise  of  any  power  whatever  by  the  federal  gov- 
ernment, other  than  such  matters  as  cannot  be  per- 
formed by  the  localities,  or  rather  yielding  to  it  such 
only  as  are  essentially  national,  there  exists  no  plank 
from  which  to  invite  the  support  of  those  of  the  com- 
munity who  believe  in  "  paternalism  in  government." 

The  American  farmers  having  for  years  permit- 
ted themselves  to  be  oppressed  by  discriminating 
traffic  and  similar  legislation  calculated  to  enrich  the 
favored  manufacturer,  have  of  late,  with  that  enthusi- 
asm and  unanimity  that  usually  characterizes  the  op- 
pressed when  once  aroused  to  the  enormity  of  the 
oppression,  sought  by  the  organization  of  the  "  Farmers' 
Alliance  "  to  obtain  restitution  for  their  long  and  well- 
recognized  grievances.  They  have  submitted  to  too 
much  in  the  past,  but  in  seeking  to  establish  and  secure 
relief  by  asking  that  a  most  impracticable  system  of 
"  paternalism "  be  adopted  by  the  government,  their 
position  is  as  untenable  as  their  patience  has  heretofore 
been  inexplicable.  Collecting  taxes  for  the  purpose  of 
making  land  loans  or  for  building  storage  warehouses 
is  not  the  province  of  the  government,  and  if  ever 
adopted  would  result  in  the  end  in  as  much  if  not  more 
harm  than  good  even  to  the  farmers  themselves. 

No  considerable  part  of  the  people  can  ever  be 
brought    to    an    acknowledgment  of   the  fact  that  the 


PHRONOCRACV  295 

general  government  should  ever  exercise  this  function, 
even  if  void  of  radical  objections,  that  are  absolutely 
insuperable.  In  the  end  nothing  is  gained  to  the  nation 
by  paternalism.  Those  who  advocate  it  disregard  the 
fact  that  a  government  must  get  its  funds  from  the 
people  by  some  plan  of  taxation.  If  it  obtains  funds 
from  the  people  in  excess  of  the  requirements  for  its 
own  support,  and  then  pays  back  to  the  people  in  pro- 
portion as  they  contributed  (which  is  the  only  just  basis 
of  return),  then  each  man  is  in  the  same  identical  situa- 
tion as  if  he  never  had  paid  the  excess  ;  but  if  it  returns 
to  John  Jones  $10.00  who  contributed  nothing,  and  to 
John  Smith  but  $5.00  who  contributed  $50.00,  then  it 
has  distinguished  in  favor  of  Jones  and  against  Smith. 
To  have  this  excess  expended  by  any  paternal  device  is 
but  a  system  of  refunding  that  is  most  liable  to  be 
unjust  and  discriminating  ;  so  that  the  only  safe  and 
proper  plan  is  to  permit  the  government  to  collect  only 
what  it  needs  for  the  most  economical  administration 
of  its  legitimate  functions,  and  cause  these  functions  to 
be  as  few  as  possible.  The  Farmers'  Alliance  will  find 
all  the  relief  its  members  need  in  the  principles  of 
Phronocracy,  and  there  are  four  million  farm  owners  in 
America  who  should  support  it  to  a  man,  and  if  Phro- 
nocracy be  "paternalism,"  say  to  the  millionaire  and  the 
loafers,  ''''Make  the  most  of  it." 

Through  Phronocracy  and  through  this  alone  can  the 
American  farmer  ever  accomplish  much  that  will  benefit 
his  condition,  for  by  this  system  he  can  increase  his  pro- 
portionate represc7itatio7i  and  decrease  his  proportionate  tax- 
atio7i.  He  can  then  remove  the  existing  governmental 
favoritism  that  he  has  participated  in  creating,  and  pre- 
vent its  re-establishment.  His  remedy  lies  in  preventing 
favoritism  to  others  not  in  seeking  it  for  himself.  In  other 


29^  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

words  he  must  suppress  existing  evil,  not  seek  to  establish 
greater  ez'il.  This  is  all  he  can  ever  do  and  all  he  should 
ever  do,  and  the  sooner  he  becomes  mindful  of  this  fact 
the  better  will  be  the  condition  of  the  "  oppressed  Ameri- 
can farfner."  Establish  Phronocracy  and  let  the  details 
establish  themselves  as  they  will  surely  do.  Class  legis- 
lation should  never  be  supported,  no  never,  Tiever ! 
never/ !  Phronocracy  is  not  class  legislation  for  it  ap- 
plies to  all  alike  whose  conditions  are  alike. 

It  is  thought  by  some  that  any  new  term,  signifying 
the  supposed  object  or  intent  of  the  movement,  would 
be  useless,  and  that  no  better  designation  could  be 
applied  than  that  of  "  Limited  Republicanism,"  which, 
though  offensive  to  Democrats  who  cherish  affiliation  to 
the  organization  on  account  of  name  rather  than  from 
principle,  is  yet  more  logical.  America  is  a  republic, 
and  not  a  democracy,  and  the  name  of  the  organization 
whose  precepts  are  best  adapted  to  the  perpetuation  and 
purification  of  that  republic,  it  is  said,  should  be  some- 
thing in  consonance  therewith.  However,  Phronocracy 
expresses  the  idea  and  is  independent  of  all  others. 

It  is  a  fact  of  general  knowledge  that  many  of  the 
ignorant  voters  who  come  to  America  and  settle  in  the 
great  Northwest,  and  who  make  good  agricultural  citi- 
zens, vote  with  the  high-protective  Republican  party — 
diametrically  opposed  to  their  interests, — because  they 
consider  that  in  a  republic  they  should  be  Republicans. 
This  feature  actually  weighs  to  a  very  appreciable  extent 
in  those  Granger  States  that  so  persistently  vote  for  the 
preservation  of  that  discriminating  system. 

The  name  Phronocracy  is  not  suggested  for  the  pur- 
pose of  catching  votes  anywhere,  but  because  it  appears 
to  be  about  the  only  proper  expression  for  a  government 
by    representatives   and   electors,   both    "  limited."      A 


I'HkONOCRACY  297 

"  limited  republic  "  would  have  the  same  rank  among 
popular  representative  governments  that  a  limited  mon- 
archy has  among  nations  recognizing  the  inherited  right 
to  rule  ;  that  is,  it  will  be  the  best  of  its  kind,  and  the 
republic  is  undoubtedly  the  best  kind  for  progressive 
and  educated  people  and  nations. 

To  one  of  the  would-be  supporters  of  the  "  Phrono- 
cratic  "  creed  it  was  said  by  one  of  the  blatherskites  of 
his  present  political  association  :  "  Why,  the  curtailment 
of  suffrage  is  anti-democratic."  To  which  it  was  wisely 
replied  :  "  My  friend,  I  am  democratic,  but  I  am  not  too 
d — d  democratic.  I  wish  to  be  no  more  democratic  in 
my  political  affiliation  and  association  than  I  am  in  my 
personal  and  business  association.  I  would  not  asso- 
ciate with  nor  sell  my  goods  to  a  man  who  knew  nothing 
nor  possessed  nothing,  and  I  do  not  see  why  such  a  man 
should  have  it  in  his  power  to  participate  in  legislation 
that  affects  my  property,  neither  do  I  care  to  associate 
with  a  man  who  has  in  his  possession  two  hundred 
million  dollars  in  United  States  gold,  for  that  man  can 
indulge  in  useless  extravagance  that  is  not  only  beyond 
my  power  but  beyond  my  desire  ;  he  could  if  he  chose 
sail  over  the  sea  in  a  ship  of  gold.  I  could  not,  nor  do 
I  desire  to  do  so,  and  the  only  satisfaction  that  inures  to 
him  in  being  able  to  construct  the  hull  of  his  ship  of 
gold  is,  not  the  fact  that  gold  is  better  or  even  as  good 
for  the  purpose  as  iron,  but  simply  because,  in  being  able 
to  do  so,  he  has  obtained  something  that  other  men 
cannot  get,  and  to  that  extent  is  their  superior  in  the 
estimation  of  the  w^orld.  I  prefer  to  say  to  him  :  ^  You 
shall  not  enjoy  this  vain  glory,  for  it  is  of  no  use  to  you, 
for  by  so  doing  you  oppress  the  reasonable  opportunity  of 
other  men.  Rather  than  permit  you  to  build  your  ship  of 
gold  (for  glory,  not  for  utility),  I  will  force  you  to  con- 


298  POLITICS   AND    J'ROPERTY 

tribute  a  larger  amount  to  the  support  of  the  state,  which 
protects  your  property.  I  will  give  you  a  reasonable  reward, 
but  not  an  unreasonable  one.  I  will  protect  your  reason- 
able reward  by  putting  in  control  of  it  men  only  of  brains 
and  property,  of  neither,  perhaps,  to  the  equal  of  your- 
self, but  of  enough  of  each  to  prove  them  to  be  men,  and 
not  brutes.'  Yes,  I  am  thoroughly  democratic  to  the 
extent  of  curtailing  excessive  and  useless  individual  accu- 
mulations, which  are  usually  the  result  more  of  opportu- 
nity than  design,  and  to  the  extent  of  bringing  all 
government,  first  as  near  to  the  locality  as  possible,  and 
then  as  near  to  the  individual  as  possible,  but  I  want  that 
individual  to  be  a  man,  and  not  a  brute.  I  want  him,  in 
other  words,  to  prove  his  worth  before  'he  can  exercise 
the  rights  I  possess  and  have  acquired  only  by  diligence 
and  effort — that  is,  to  come  up  to  a  certain  standard  of 
excellence,  below  which  a  man  is  but  a  brute  ;  and  out- 
side of  these  very  reasonable  limitations,  to  Hades  with 
your  democracy — it  is  a  mockery  and  a  farce.  Yes, 
Phronocratic  is  the  name  to  be  applied  to  a  proposed 
organization,  to  become  a  member  of  which,  if  such  ever 
should  exist,  has  been  my  life-long  desire,  because  I  have 
always  believed  in  republican  institutions  as  against 
monarchical  institutions,  but  have  always  feared  that  the 
concentration  of  wealth  and  power  on  the  one  hand 
would  paralyze  its  usefulness,  and  that  hoodlumism  on 
the  other  would  render  abortive  its  professions.  The 
curtailment  of  the  excess  on  the  one  hand  and  the  extir- 
pation of  the  mockery  on  the  other  leaves  a  conserva- 
tive mean,  which  must  one  day  be  the  government 
adopted  by  the  civilized  jjowers  of  the  earth.  King's- 
craft  is  the  result  of  a  lingering  prejudice  of  the  dark 
ages,  and  for  the  countries  that  are  afflicted  with  it  time 
alone  can  bring  relief  ;  but  it  must  come,  and  the  sooner 


PIIRONOCRACY  299 

the  better,  for  that  which  exists  by  prejudice  or  as  the 
result  of  a  lingering  custom,  and  cannot  be  said  to  be 
supported  by  greater  reason  than  are  other  systems 
directed  to  the  same  end,  must  perish,  and  perish  it  will. 
Whenever  that  system  of  government  that  maintains  that 
'  all  just  power  comes  from  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned *  can  be  considered  absolutely  and  unquestionably 
stable  and  secure  (such  as  is  guaranteed  by  this  Phrono- 
cratic,  conservative  creed),  all  civilized  people  will  adopt 
it,  and  the  powers  of  heaven,  or  of  earth,  or  of  hell 
will  never  prevail  against  it." 

The  supporters  of  monarchy  having  been  driven  from 
their  position,  that  there  is  a  lack  of  security  to  prop- 
erty and  to  civil  institutions  in  all  republican  systems, 
even  though  purged  by  a  suffrage  qualification,  yet  claim 
that  the  necessity  for  frequent  elections  is  a  fruitful 
cause  of  complaint  ;  that  the  choice  of  representatives 
and  of  state  and  federal  executives  causes  a  condition  of 
commercial  insecurity  and  unrest  that  must  of  necessity 
create  a  temporary  suspension  of  trade,  and  consequent 
loss  to  investors  in  all  mercantile  enterprises  and  business 
pursuits  ;  that  the  uncertainty  of  succession  and  the 
variableness  of  the  policy  of  the  victorious  organizations 
must  render  it  impossible  to  calculate  with  any  degree  of 
certainty  upon  any  fixed  principle  of  government  as  ap- 
plied to  the  material  interests  of  the  country,  and  hence 
confusion  will  inevitably  result.  It  is  predicted  that 
when  the  protective  system  is  abolished,  by  reason  of 
the  change  thereby  created,  that  widespread  ruin,  bank- 
ruptcy, and  universal  dismay  will  follow  in  its  wake, 
causing  paralysis  in  business  and  distress  to  the  people, 
and  as  in  this,  so  in  all  conditions  of  society  and  trade 
that  can  be  in  any  sense  affected  by  the  popular  will. 

This  class  are  respectfully  referred  to  the  progress  of 


300  POLITICS  AND   PROPERTY 

America  and  the  stability  of  her  institutions,  even  under 
universal  suffrage,  which  was  begun  when  the  population 
was  yet  comparatively  sparse  and  homogeneous.  Now, 
however,  when  the  country  is  menaced  by  the  vast  con- 
gregations of  the  Eastern  World,  many  of  whom  possess 
anarchistic  tendencies,  and  seek  to  divert  from  the  lawful 
custodians  all  the  property  they  own,  and  by  ruthless 
violence  either  to  distribute  or  to  destroy,  this  evident 
tendency  toward  a  rapidly  approaching  storm  must  be 
checked  in  its  incipiency  and  strangled  in  the  throes  of 
parturition  by  the  "  compromise  between  Democracy  and 
Plutocracy,"  which  promises  forever  to  place  society  not 
only  on  a  more  liberal  but  en  a  more  substantial  founda- 
tion than  ever  has  existed  under  any  form  of  government. 
The  question  of  diminishing  the  frequency  of  elections 
has  been  mooted,  as  has  been  absolute  ineligibility  for 
re-election  to  office.  Both,  except  as  to  the  judiciary, 
should  be  abandoned — that  is,  no  change,  in  America, 
from  the  existing  condition  should  be  made.  The  Pres- 
ident should  continue  to  serve  four  years,  and  should  be 
eligible  to  re-election.  Being  shorn  or  rather  relieved  of 
the  great  patronage  of  his  office  by  the  election  of  col- 
lectors and  postmasters  by  the  people,  he  could  not 
control  the  civil  service  of  the  country  for  his  own 
personal  aggrandizement  or  for  succession  to  official 
power.  Being  thus  deprived  of  any  opportunity  of 
utilizing  the  force  of  governmental  patronage,  a  power 
that  had  been  most  cogent  and  demoralizing  when  used 
for  forcing  himself  or  his  party  on  to  the  people,  there 
would  remain  no  possible  chance  for  re-election  other 
than  by  the  uninfluenced  and  untrammelled  popular 
will,  and  if  the  populace  willed,  why  should  he  not  suc- 
ceed himself  as  well  as  be  succeeded  by  another  ?  It 
might  be  well,  however,  to  lengthen  the  term  and  increase 
the  pay  of  all  occupants  of  the  bench. 


PHRONOCRACV  3OI 

The  idea  of  extending  the  presidential  term  to  six  or 
eight  years,  and  the  congressional  to  three  or  four  years, 
is  opposed,  and  with  reason,  on  the  ground  that  the  very 
substratum — the  foundation-rock  of  popular  government 
— is  elections.  And  why  elections  ?  In  order  that  the 
people  may  choose  agents  to  perform  those  duties,  curbed 
by  constitutional  limitations,  that  cannot  be  practically 
done  by  the  people  themselves.  Of  course,  by  these 
agents  certain  discretionary  power  must  be  used,  but 
essentially  they  are  supposed  to  represent  the  people — that 
is,  to  do  the  popular  will.  If,  therefore,  the  expression 
of  the  popular  will  is  delayed,  to  that  extent  are  the 
people  unrepresented,  and  if  it  is  well  to  seek  that  plan 
by  which  the  best  and  closest  representation  of  the  peo- 
ple— that  most  in  keeping  with  their  varying  wants  and 
preferences — can  be  avoided,  then  it  would  perhaps  be 
better  to  abolish  elections  altogether  and  lapse  into  the 
despotic  systems  of  the  dark  ages.  Laws  are  supposed 
to  be  made  for  the  people,  not  the  people  for  the  laws  ; 
hence  to  the  representatives  who  make  the  laws  electors 
should  have  access,  and  as  time  passes,  and  as  conditions 
change,  the  very  essence  of  popular  government  and  the 
operation  of  the  system  made  possible  by  it  are  frustrated 
if  the  expression  of  popular  opinion  is  needlessly  delayed. 
Purify  the  electors  and  the  system  by  which  their  votes 
are  cast  and  counted,  and  there  will  be  no  harm  in  rea- 
sonable frequency.  A  man  who  is  to  a  certain  degree 
educated  and  who  owns  property  is  not  a  dangerous 
custodian  of  the  franchise,  and  will  seldom  if  ever  use  it 
for  vicious  or  revolutionary  purposes.  If  the  incumbent 
of  an  office  and  the  principles  he  espouses  are  satisfac- 
tory to  a  great  majority  of  the  people,  the  question  of 
his  succession  or  re-election  will  cause  no  excitement, 
and  no  doubt  and  no  uncertainty  as  to  the  continuance 
of  any  specific  policy.     It  is  only  when  the  people  are 


302  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

about  equally  divided  on  a  great  question  that  there  is 
any  doubt  or  uncertainty  as  to  the  results,  and  if  there  is 
a  large  element  opposed,  why  should  the  opportunity  of 
expressing  that  opposition  be  needlessly  delayed  ? 

One  of  the  greatest  possible  arguments  in  favor  of 
reasonably  frequent  elections,  in  addition  to  the  fact  that 
they  are  the  proper  concomitants  of  a  Phronocratic 
government,  is  the  ability  that  is  then  vouchsafed  the 
people  to  eradicate  a  bad  law  from  the  statute-books  and 
remove  bad  men  from  office.  There  is  as  much  necessity, 
ofttimes,  of  eradicating  a  bad  or  of  modifying  a  good  law, 
as  there  is  of  creating  a  new  enactment.  If  a  law  is  good 
it  will  not  be  changed,  unless  the  majority  alter  their 
opinions,  and,  if  altered,  certainly  the  government  would 
be  akin  to,  if  not  in  fact,  a  despotism,  that  would  withhold 
the  opportunity  for  expression.  It  is  right  and  proper, 
in  a  word  it  is  necessary,  that  proper  safeguards  should 
be  thrown  around  precipitate  action  in  legislation,  and 
it  is  for  this  reason  that  separate  bodies  are  created. 
Lengthening  the  term  of  office  will  not  be  necessary,  nor 
will  political  discussion,  purged  of  the  demoralizing  in- 
fluence of  hoodlumism  and  bribery,  be  injurious  to  the 
country  or  oppressive  to  trade.  As  the  cumulative  and 
qualification  principles  begin  to  gain  strength  there  will 
be,  of  course,  manifested  from  certain  capitalistic  sources 
some  evidences  of  anxiety,  of  insecurity,  and  distrust ; 
but  by  all,  save  the  one-hundred  millionaires  and  their 
dependencies,  and  the  loafers  of  the  lower  wards,  in- 
creased confidence  will  be  manifested  and  greater 
enthusiasm  displayed. 

With  Phronocracy  in  force  in  America  the  republic  is 
complete.  It  has  existed  without  any  necessity  for  the 
regulation  of  the  extremes  for  more  than  a  century,  be- 
cause the  extremes  have  not  been  so  great.     However,  as 


PIIRONOCRACV  303 

the  population  becomes  dense,  and  as  wealth  becomes 
concentrated,  the  same  spirit  of  progress  and  opposition 
to  oppression  that  animated  our  revolutionary  sires  to 
disavow  allegiance  to  the  British  crown  now  prompts 
vigorous  energy  against  concentrated  individual  wealth 
and  benighted  individual  irresponsibility  and  ignorance. 
It  is  not  a  fundamental,  though  a  considerable,  alteration 
in  American  institutions.  It  is  simply  a  new,  a  less 
burdensome,  and  more  reliable  system  of  collecting 
revenue,  a  curtailment  of  suffrage,  as  the  only  possible 
system  of  ballot  reform  and  of  meeting  conditions, 
brought  more  glaringly  forward  by  the  increasing  hete- 
rogeneity of  the  growing  population,  which  are  made 
necessary  for  the  guaranty  of  personal  and  property 
rights.  Rather  is  it  a  requirement  of  the  times.  When 
universal  suffrage  was  instituted  the  population  of  Amer- 
ica was  not  over  four  millions,  of  which  number  none 
were  vicious,  and  most  all  possessed  property.  The 
extremes  were  not  so  great  ;  the  contrast  between  the 
responsible  and  irresponsible  was  less.  There  did  not 
exist  a  few  one-hundred  millionaires  and  almost  a  hun- 
dred million  who  were  not  heirs  at  all  ;  hence,  then,  the 
necessity  for  regulating  either  extreme  was  by  no  means 
urgent.  When  the  few  who  own  the  millions  can  buy  up 
and  use  the  millions  who  own  nothing,  great  has  become 
the  necessity  of  rendering  both  powerless — the  former  by 
curtailing  his  wealth  to  within  a  reasonable  reward,  and 
the  latter  by  cutting  short  his  power  till  he  acquired  some 
reward — that  is,  till  he  possesses  some  knowledge  and 
some  property,  for  otherwise  his  ability  to  use  power  is 
not  only  dangerous  but  a  mockery.  The  territorial- 
extension  feature  is  to  America  an  all-important  issue 
and  should  not  be  ignored.  For  many  years  the  vast 
domain  of  Alaska  has  been  owned  and  has  brought  good 


304  POLITICS    AND    rROTERTV 

returns  for  the  outlay  necessary  to  procure  it,  and  it  is 
the  most  remote  of  all  possible  North  American  acquisi- 
tions. It  can,  however,  now  be  reached  from  San  Fran- 
cisco in  a  very  short  time,  and,  after  the  completion  of  a 
Western  Coast  road,  from  Washington  City  in  less  than  a 
fortnight.  All  other  habitable  portions  of  North  America 
could  be  reached  from  Washington  in  a  week.  In  other 
words,  annexation  simply  means  the  union  of  territory 
far  less  remote  from  the  centre  than  that  which  has  been 
owned  for  a  third  of  a  century. 

This  inter-relationship  between  and  co-dependence  of 
countries  upon  each  other  become  greater  as  civiliza- 
tion advances  and  as  facilities  for  transportation  multiply. 
Wants  are  more  varied,  and  where  transportation  is  ade- 
quate there  is  usually  an  ability  to  supply.  This  condi- 
tion renders  necessary  closer  trade  relations,  and  closer 
trade  relations  bring  closer  personal  relations  ;  closer 
personal  relations  bring  closer  personal  association, 
which  tends  inevitably  to  lessen  the  differences,  the  de- 
sires, the  appetites,  the  natures,  and  prejudices  of  the 
people  of  the  whole  world  ;  they  are  more  uniformly 
dressed  and  more  uniformly  fed  ;  in  their  exchanges 
they  will  use  more  uniform  coin  and  more  uniform 
standards  of  measures  and  weights,  and  they  will  speak 
to  each  other  in  a  more  uniform  tongue — all  of  which  is 
attributable  to  the  increasing  wants  of  civilized  life  and 
to  increased  facilities  for  the  transportation  of  commodi- 
ties to  supply  those  wants,  and  of  intercommunication 
necessary  to  negotiate  these  interchanges.  The  tendency 
of  all  this  is  that  people  will  be  more  uniformly  governed. 
Uniformity  in  government  can  best  be  obtained  by  dele- 
gating to  a  central  power  such  concerns  as  are  essen- 
tially national  and  reserving  to  the  state  those  essentially 
local. 


PIIRONOCRACY  305 

Civilized  and  progressive  society  will  ere  long  yield  to 
nothing  else  ;  no  other  system  will  ever  peaceably  with- 
stand the  varying  needs  of  progressive  man. 

National  prerogatives  solely  and  alone  for  national 
concerns  specifically  defined  and  closely  restricted.  It 
is  to  this  grand  principle,  and  to  this  alone,  that  is  surely 
attributable  the  union  of  the  North  American  States,  and 
by  which,  to  the  pride,  glory,  and  grandeur  of  every  part, 
that  quarter  of  the  world  can  fly  one  flag,  but  by  the 
abrogation  of  which  dismemberment  could  only  be  pre- 
vented, if  at  all,  by  the  reverberating  thunders  of  the 
American  cannon  and  by  the  unsheathed  sword  of 
brother  against  brother,  father  against  son  ;  and  even 
then  the  South,  the  West,  the  North,  the  East,  would 
seek  the  Union  bonds  to  sunder. 

When  in  1890  efforts  were  inaugurated  to  throttle 
federal  elections  by  the  interpositions  of  force,  many 
portentous  prophecies  were  made,  by  the  ablest  thinkers 
of  the  time,  from  all  sections,  that  persistence  in  that 
policy  would  ultimately  destroy  the  Union,  for  the  reason 
that  it  is  a  total  subversion  of  the  spirit  of  the  federal 
Constitution,  an  abrogation  of  the  principle  of  local  self- 
government,  State  autonomy,  and  personal  rights — all 
not  only  near  and  dear  to  the  heart  of  every  free  Amer- 
ican (North  or  South),  but  vital  to  the  perpetuation  of 
domestic  civil  liberty.  It  is  no  dream,  no  fancy.  What 
signifies  delegated  national  powers  if  they  are  to  be  ruth- 
lessly and  violently  transcended  or  enlarged  ?  The  con- 
tinent of  North  America  is  very  large,  it  contains  many 
physical  conditions  and  many  climes,  also  many  people 
with  room  for  many  more,  and  just  as  certainly  as  the 
federal  power  asserts  right  of  interference  with  these 
local  conditions,  just  that  certainly  when  the  offence  be- 
comes too  great,  the  Northwest  or  the  Southeast — one 
20 


306  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

just  as  likely  as  the  other — will  object.  Men  who  have 
sacrificed  both  blood  and  treasures  to  suppress  one  re- 
bellion, bottomed  on  slavery,  will  be  the  most  eager  in 
their  readiness  and  desire  to  encourage  and  abet  another 
against  federal  interference  and  usurpation  of  power. 
The  tendency,  however,  to  extend  federal  supervision 
into  and  over  local  affairs  will  soon  be  entirely  stopped. 
When  it  becomes  evident  to  the  people  of  all  sections 
that  suffrage  is  to  be  curtailed,  then  there  will  exist  not 
the  faintest  pretext  for  such  legislation,  for  the  negro  of 
the  South  will  be  practically  disfranchised,  and  the  hood- 
lum of  the  North  would  need  no  military  supervision  or 
police  control.  His  name  would  not  appear  on  the  books 
of  the  collector,  in  the  hands  of  the  judges  of  election  at 
the  polls,  hence  the  place  that  he  has  so  long  monopolized 
around  the  voting  booths  to  the  disgust  and  vexation 
of  all  good  citizens,  will  be  void  of  his  presence,  and 
elections  will  be  conducted  in  harmony  and  peace. 

No  section  of  North  America,  when  the  whole  can  be 
traversed  from  the  Isthmus  to  the  Arctic  in  ten  or  twelve 
days,  and  from  ocean  to  ocean  in  about  one  third  that 
time,  would  care  for  anything  save  local  government  and 
federal  non-interference.  All  would  cherish  pride  in 
one  nation,  one  currency,  one  coin,  one  weight,  one 
measure,  one  language,  and  one  people,  provided  the 
federal  power  would  there  stop,  and  permit  the  inesti- 
mable blessing  of  local  home  rule — the  only  practicable 
government  for  a  great  country — to  prevail  in  all  its 
excellence,  simplicity,  and  beauty.  Otherwise  there  may 
again  be  trouble,  and  grim-visaged  war  may  again  present 
his  horrid  front.  Then  again  might  ripe  and  waving 
grain  be  trampled  beneath  the  hoof  of  the  war  horse  ; 
then  may  these  fields  of  cotton  or  of  corn  be  furrowed 
by   the  wheels   of   advancing   artillery ;   then    may   the 


PHRONOCRACV  307, 

Stately  forest  trees  again  be  blazed  with  cannon-balls  and 
grapeshot  ;  then  may  the  blood-soaked  earth  be  lapped 
by  thirsty  hounds,  and  then  may  yelping  wolves  and 
prowling  scavengers  of  the  night  make  the  eyes  of  heaven 
weep  at  sights  of  beastly  carnival  on  the  ghastly  fields  of 
slaughter, 'where  howling  and  in  hideous  gluttony  they 
might  lick  from  their  satiate,  gaping  jaws  quivering 
strands  of  human  flesh — all  but  a  fitting  retribution  for 
useless  fratricidal  hate,  and  for  the  interference  by  the 
nation  with  the  proper  functions  of  the  State. 

"  Ere  the  bat  hath  flown 
His  cloister'd  flight ;  ere  to  Ijlack  Hecate's  summons, 
The  shard-l)orne  Ijeetle,  with  his  drowsy  hums. 
Hath  rung  night's  yawning  peal,  there  shall  be  done 
A  deed  of  dreadful  note." 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Recapitulation  and  general  observations — Some  individual  estates  too 
great  for  computation  ;  illustration  of  the  uselessness  of  same  ; 
equal  to  an  ordinary  salary  for  400,000  years — No  plan  save  regu- 
lating the  extremes  is  practicable  or  just — Irksome  duties  must 
be  performed — Increased  compensation  not  an  offset — Differences 
in  men  must  be  recognized — Cumulative  taxation  and  suffrage 
qualification  the  essential  features  of  Phronocracy — The  plan  not 
complicated — The  South,  the  ruralists  of  the  North,  and  conser- 
vative city  residents  sufficient  for  success — Reasonable  reward  for 
energy  and  excellence — Nothing  beyond — Concluding  para- 
graphs and  generalization. 

The  discussion  of  the  propositions  involved  in 
"Phronocracy"  based  upon  "cumulative  taxation  and 
suffrage  qualification,"  proceeds  on  these  hypotheses,  viz  : 

First.  That  all  men  are  or  doubtless  should  be  born 
free,  but  that  all  positively  are  not  born  equal  ;  that  such 
as  are  or  may  be  born  equal  become  unequal  by  the  vari- 
able degrees  in  which  they  exert  themselves,  in  which 
they  conserve  their  energies  and  make  available  their 
opportunities. 

Second.  That  a  man  is  entitled  to  a  reasonable  re- 
ward for  his  labor,  his  energy,  and  his  opportunity  ;  that 
any  man  who  possesses  greater  force  (by  which  is  meant 
excellence  in  any  particular)  than  another  man,  is  en- 
titled to  the  result  of  that  force. 

Third.  That  it  is  not  the  proper  province  or  prerog- 
ative of  the  state  or  of  society  to  attempt  to  make  all 

308 


PHRONOCRACY  309 

men  equal,  because  equality  in  men  is  not  only  in  conflict 
with  nature,  but  impracticable  in  society.  Multifarious 
duties  must  be  performed  in  any  civilized  state,  and  it 
requires  multifarious  men  with  multifarious  adaptabilities 
to  perform  these  multifarious  duties  and  requirements  ; 
hence  any  interposition  of  the  state  that  seeks  to  create 
an  artificial  equality  (except  such  as  is,  in  practice, 
found  to  be  absolutely  necessary)  is  not  only  unwarranted 
but  absolutely  injurious. 

Fourth.  That  beyond  a  certain  reasonable  limit  the 
accumulation  of  individual  property  ceases  to  be  the 
result  of  individual  effort  and  energy,  but  is  in  fact  a 
contribution  of  society  (which,  however,  is  absolutely 
unavoidable),  and  that  beyond  this  reasonable  limit, 
individual  accumulations  are  not  only  useless  but  harm- 
ful, hence  should  not  be  permitted  to  extend. 

Fortunes,  or  the  aggregations  of  wealth,  beget  fortunes, 
or  the  aggregation  of  wealth,  and  to  this  aggregation, 
for  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number,  there  should 
be  some  reasonable  limit,  because  man's  requirements 
can  not  possibly  increase  proportionately  with  the  possible 
increase  of  his  accumulations  of  wealth. 

Fifth.  It  is  admitted  that  even  the  curtailment  of  in- 
dividual accumulations  which  are  abnormally  and  use- 
lessly excessive  is  an  interference  with  individual  rights 
and  opportunities  ;  but  it  is  maintained  that,  since  for 
the  good  of  society  or  for  the  practical  execution  of  its 
laws,  usages,  and  customs  certain  restraints  or  interfer- 
ences with  natural  rights  are  necessary,  it  cannot  be 
more  equitably  or  less  injuriously  applied  than  to  useless 
and  excessive  individual  accumulations. 

Sixth.  That  no  man  should  participate  in  government 
who  does  not  possess  a  certain  amount  of  that  which 
governments  are  established  to  protect  and  which  alone 


3IO  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

can  support  government,  to  wit :  property.  The  simple 
possession  of  life,  which  can  be  sustained  without  govern- 
ment, does  not  entitle  a  living  being  to  the  exercise  of 
any  authority  regarding  the  disposition  or  regulation  of 
that  which  is  the  result  of  inherent  force  (excellence)  or 
the  reward  of  its  energies  or  opportunities. 

Seventh.  That  it  is  useless  to  attempt  to  make  men 
equal  by  legislation,  and  that  an  equal  distribution  of  the 
products  of  labor  would  be  detrimental  to  society,  en- 
couraging idleness  and  malingery,  and  that  efforts  in  that 
direction  are  not  the  proper  prerogative  of  the  state 
(except  to  such  a  limited  extent  as  practice  proves  to  be 
necessary)  and  should  not  be  encouraged. 

These  are  a  few  of  the  simple  but  fundamental  prin- 
ciples from  which  is  derived  the  basis  for  the  compromise 
between  Democracy,  which,  by  the  exigencies  of  the 
times,  is  growing  socialistic,  and  Plutocracy,  which,  by 
the  accessions  of  individual  wealth,  has  begun  to  paralyze 
the  world's  affairs.  Accretions  to  population  make  it 
not  only  possible  but  usual  for  the  increment  of  society 
to  add  to  the  value  of  properties  by  nature  monopolistic 
(of  which  class  there  are  many)  an  amount  greater  than 
the  possible  increase  of  the  requirements  of  the  individ- 
ual, greater  than  any  reasonable  reward  for  industry  or 
opportunity,  greater  than  an  adequate  compensation  for 
cupidity  and  greed,  greater  in  fact  than  is  possible  of  ac- 
curate computation  or  of  human  comprehension. 

Many  men  become  so  wealthy,  not  wholly  by  their  own 
energies,  but  by  the  necessary  accessions  caused  by  the 
increase  of  population  and  the  demands  of  society,  that 
they  cannot  compute  to  within  ten  to  a  dozen  million 
dollars  what  they  are  actually  worth.  In  other  words, 
they  own  the  equivalent  of  the  labor  of  so  many  men 
that  they  cannot  count  to  within  an  amount  equal  to  the 


PIIRONOCKACY  311 

labor  of  10,000  to  15,000  men  (a  good-sized  army)  just 
what  they  do  own,  and  this  unknown  quantity  is  perhaps 
not  more  than  five  to  ten  per  cent,  of  their  actual  vvealth. 
It  is  estimated  that  if  the  Lord  Almighty  had  contracted 
with  Adam  to  superintend  the  Garden  of  Eden  at  a  sal- 
ary of  $40,000  per  year  (an  amount  almost  equal  to 
the  salary  of  the  American  President),  and  guaranteed 
him  uninterrupted  occupancy  without  the  possibility  of 
discharge  or  ejectment  for  the  consumption  of  fruit  that 
was  forbidden,  at  the  solicitation  of  a  woman,  or  for  any 
other  crime  of  kindred  nature  or  more  glaring  atrocity, 
he  would  not  have  paid,  from  the  date  that  he  first 
breathed  into  the  inanimate  element  the  breath  of  life 
and  from  a  rib  of  it  created  the  consort  and  tempter,  an 
amount  equal  to  that  possessed  by  several  of  the  million- 
aires of  America. 

Five  thousand  years  at  $40,000  per  year  would  be 
but  two  hundred  million  ;  and  if  Adam  had  been  sub- 
jected to  that  fierce  competition  and  unrelenting  strife 
that  characterize  the  struggles  of  most  of  his  progeny 
for  a  comfortable  terrestrial  existence  in  climates  where 
the  leaves  of  figs  are  not  an  adequate  protection  from" 
the  penetrating  blasts  of  the  boreal  winds,  the  pay  would 
have  been  reduced  to  at  least  $5,000  per  year  (an  amount 
largely  exceeding  the  average  compensation  for  this  class 
of  service),  in  which  case  it  would  have  required  forty 
thousand  years  for  the  aggregate  outlay  to  have  equalled 
the  amounts  possessed  by  several  American  capitalists  ; 
or  if  the  price  had  been  reduced  to  that  which  is  actually 
considered  reasonable  for  an  ordinary  American  gar- 
dener—that is,  one  not  especially  skilled  in  the  most  re- 
cent botanical  discoveries  or  capable  of  delivering  the 
most  learned  discourses  on  dicotyledonous  or  deciduous 
plants  (in  which  Adam  was  not  supposed  to  be  especially 


v 


312  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

proficient) — to  wit,  about  $500  per  year,  then  it  would 
have  required  four  hundred  thousand  years  for  an  ex- 
penditure to  have  been  made  equal  to  the  fortunes  of 
several  American  capitalists,  or  about  eighty  times  as 
long  as  the  period  of  time  that  is  supposed  to  have  elapsed 
since  our  primeval  ancestor,  tempted  by  a  woman  who 
was  beguiled  by  a  snake,  proved  himself  so  utterly  un- 
worthy of  the  trust  reposed,  and  was  doomed  to  a  life  of 
drudgery  and  toil,  in  which  his  innocent  and  unoffending 
offspring  must  "root,  hog,  or  die."  Is  it  not  absolutely 
ridiculous  that  any  single  man  (who  at  best  is  but  little 
better  than  the  worst)  should  be  able  to  possess  wealth 
equal  to  a  very  liberal  compensation  for  the  labor  of  a 
fellow-man  for  four  hundred  thousand  years  ?  Is  it  not 
a  mockery  upon  humanity  itself  that  society  should 
countenance  such  a  thing  (when  the  life  of  a  man  averages 
less  than  forty  years)  as  a  salary  to  one  man  for  ten 
thousand  times  as  many  years  as  the  average  man  can 
live  ?  It  is  claimed  that  this  condition  of  affairs  is 
neither  right  nor  just  to  society  or  of  any  benefit  to 
the  fortunate  (or  unfortunate)  individuals  themselves. 
It  is,  however,  likewise  claimed  that  there  is  but  one 
remedy  that  is  not  subject  to  insuperable  objection,  and 
that  is,  to  cause  a  man's  contribution  to  the  state,  that 
is,  to  the  governmental  system  that  protects  and  makes 
individual  titles  to  any  property  practicable,  to  be  so 
adjusted  that  outgo  will  equal  income  when  a  reasonable 
reward  for  individual  excellence  and  opportunity  has 
been  acquired  ;  and  that  this  contribution  shall  be  so 
rigidly  applied  to  individuals  only  as  to  cause  no  barrier 
to  the  concentration  of  capital  in  corporate  enterprises 
for  the  construction  of  great  works  otherwise  impossible  ; 
and  furthermore  and  finally,  that  increased  security  shall 
be  given  to  that  curtailed  individual  property  by  placing 


PHRONOCRACY  313 

all  governmental  power  into  the  hands  of  those  only  who 
possess  jDroperty,  for 

"  An  habitation  giddy  and  unsure 
Hath  he,  that  buikleth  on  the  vulgar  heart." 

It  is  claimed  that  no  other  system  is  practicable,  and 
that  none  other  is  just,  even  if  practicable.  Individual 
excellence  does  exist,  and  conformable  to  nature  as  we 
find  it,  should  exist.  Any  law  or  system  seeking  to 
nullify  this  individual  excellence  that  does  not  provide 
for  its  adequate  compensation  is  unjust  and  a  barrier  to 
social  progress  and  enterprise.  Equal  divisions  of  prop- 
erty are  not  only  unjust — for  all  are^not  equally  worthy, 
— but  utterly  abortive  of  the  slightest  permanent  relief  ; 
and  if  just,  and  if  productive  of  apparent  relief,  the 
earth  would  have  to  turn  backwards  or  humanity  would 
starve.  That  is  to  say,  if  all  men  were  equally  excellent 
and  all  men  equally  circumstanced,  every  man  who  lived 
in  the  present  civilized  state  would  have  to  be  a  commu- 
nity unto  himself,  for  under  these  conditions  there  would 
be  no  practical  division  of  labor.  The  irksome  duties 
would  be  shunned  by  all,  and  the  desirable  duties  sought 
by  all.  It  would  not  do  to  say  that  the  thing  would  soon 
become  self-regulating,  that  is,  that  an  overplus  of  appli- 
cants for  the  good  avocations  would  drive  the  required 
number  into  the  bad,  for  if  such  should  be  the  case,  those 
driven  into  the  bad,  that  is,  into  occupations  that  are 
menial  and  lowly,  would  soon  cease  to  be  the  equals,  by 
the  very  force  of  the  situation  itself,  of  those  who  re- 
mained in  positions  of  development  and  growth.  Neither 
will  it  do  to  say  that  the  menial  occupations  would  com- 
mand increased  compensation  commensurate  with  their 
undesirableness,  for  that  opportunity  now  exists  and  fails 
of  realization.     If  every  man  who  now  scrapes  the  streets 


314  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

should  suddenly  be  made  the  equal  of  any  professor  in 
any  college,  his  usefulness  as  a  street  sweeper  would  as 
likely  be  diminished  as  increased,  and  if  not  increased, 
in  the  general  panning  out  of  the  thing,  the  compensa- 
tion for  his  labor  would  remain  practically  the  same,  or 
the  strange  anomaly  would  exist  of  making  something 
nothing  and  nothing  something,  which  is  contrary  to 
nature.  Even  if  it  were  admitted  that,  in  the  event  all 
men  were  equal,  increased  compensation  for  menial  occu- 
pation would  cause  the  same  to  command  a  sufficient 
number  of  votaries,  the  practical  fact  remains  that  all 
men  are  not  equal,  and  no  earthly  power,  much  less  sup- 
position, will  ever  make  them  so.  If  all  men's  heads  and 
feet  were  the  same  size  they  could  all  wear  with  comfort 
the  same  hat  or  shoe  ;  but  these  sizes  differ,  radically 
differ,  but  less  by  far  than  their  individual  characteristics 
or  intellectual  endowments.  By  reason  of  these  differ- 
ences in  men  any  law  that  bears  upon  all  alike  will  leave 
the  previously  existing  excellence  the  same  as  it  was 
before.     Such  efforts  at  reform  are  useless. 

And  all  attempts  of  kindred  kind, 

That  emanate  from  mortal  mind, 
Will  be  "  like  this  insubstantial  pageant  faded 

And  leave  not  a  track  behind." 
As  well  a  mermaid  with  her  song. 

Should  seek  to  calm  the  raging  sea, 
When  curling  tops  of  crested  waves 

Froth  and  foam  in  frightful  glee, 
And  lash  the  very  stars  in  Heaven 
As  if  in  wild  hilarity. 

The  feeble,  sentimental,  and  impotent  opposition  that 
may  be  urged  against  the  cumulative  tax  leveller  is  bot- 
tomed, firstly,  upon  what  is  called  injustice,  and  secondly, 
on  the  assumption  that  all  mankind  would  thrive  as  well, 


PHRONOCRACY  315 

if  not  better,  if  the  whole  earth  was  owned  by  a  few  who 
could  direct  and  control  its  energies  and  husband  its 
opportunities.  "  Whilst  our  remedies  oft  in  themselves 
do  lie  which  we  ascribe  to  Heaven,"  yet,  as  to  the  first, 
no  man  claims  that  it  is  possible  for  any  one  individual 
to  amass  as  the  result  alone  of  his  individual  energy, 
sagacity,  or  opportunity,  disassociated  from  and  wholly 
unaided  by  the  unavoidable  increment  of  society,  a  for- 
tune equal  to  the  salary  of  an  ordinary  man  for  four 
hundred  thousand  years.  All  such  estates  are  the  result 
largely  of  fortuitous  combinations  and  forces  wholly  un- 
anticipated, and  of  course  absolutely  uncontrolled  by  the 
fortunate  individual  ;  and  if  any  possessor  of  a  two- 
hundred-million  dollar  estate  should  begin  life  anew 
with  all  his  faculties  and  powers  intact,  it  is  no  more 
probable  that  he  would  ever  again  amass  such  fabulous 
properties,  than  it  is  that  he  would  be  twice  the  victim  of 
a  thunderbolt  from  heaven  ;  and  inheritors  of  those  fabu- 
lous sums  are  not  entitled,  by  any  excellence  of  their 
own,  even  to  the  very  liberal  remainder  that  cumulative 
taxation  in  no  sense  disturbs  ;  and  finally,  even  admit- 
ting that  there  is  exercised  a  palpable  injustice,  yet  its 
oppressions  are  not  severe,  and  it  certainly  accomplishes 
in  a  more  effectual  manner  than  any  other  system  the 
grand  desideratian  of  obtaining  the  revenues  for  the 
support  of  government  (for  which  purpose  alone  taxation 
should  be  imposed)  from  the  source  which  is  least  bur- 
densome to  the  people  and  most  certain  to  the  govern- 
ment, effecting  thereby  a  better,  though  not  an  unjust 
distribution  of  property — both  objects  long  sought  but 
never  found. 

Of  those  who  believe  that  the  world  would  be  better 
if  everything  was  owned  by  a  few,  it  is  simply  asked  : 
"  Had  you  rather  Caesar  were  living,  and  die  all  slaves, 


3l6  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

than  that  Csesar  were  dead,  to  live  all  freemen  ?"  In  the 
proposition  to  curtail  excessive  individual  accumulations, 
the  existence  of  which  means  practical  commercial 
slavery  for  the  many,  there  is  no  intent  of  killing  Csesar 
nor  of  depriving  him  of  reasonable  reward  for  his  worth, 
but  it  might  be  quite  as  well  for  Csesar  himself  if  he  be 
shorn  of  some  of  his  power  and  live  as  to  be  possessed 
of  it  all  and  die,  and  so  with  the  monopolists — a  fortiori. 
When,  by  reason  of  these  extraordinary  accumulations, 
men  of  brains  but  of  moderate  means  can  neither  profit- 
ably engage  in  any  individual  enterprise  or  safely  invest 
in  any  corporate  institution,  not  only  loud  will  becom.e 
the  murmurs,  but  most  cogent  the  power  of  conservative 
disquietude  and  unrest. 

Men  hitherto  patient,  long-suffering,  and  as  calm  as 
are  the  zephyrs  that  blow  beneath  the  violets,  scarce 
nodding  their  fair  heads,  will  be,  when  once  enraged,  as 
fierce  as  are  the  boreal  blasts  that  by  the  tops  doth 
snatch  the  mountain  pines  and  bend  them  to  the  vale. 
It  will  no  longer  be  the  childish  and  impotent  whimper- 
ings of  the  thinly  clad,  or  the  blatant  ebullitions  of 
ignorant  and  impracticable  orators  of  anarchistic  mobs  ; 
but  the  calm,  considerate,  and  thoughtful  resolutions  of 
brains  in  the  counsel  backed  by  valor  in  the  field  ;  and 
until  then  tall  towers  will  ne'er  tremble  ;  but  it  now  be- 
comes obvious  that,  unless  some  reasonable  compromise 
is  effected,  the  stoutest  buttresses  may  totter  if  not  tumble 
into  shapeless  ruin  ;  hence,  not  a  few  of  the  most  philo- 
sophical and  clear-headed  of  the  monopolistic  class  have 
already  begun  to  give  heed  to  the  distant  rumbling  of  the 
approaching  storm,  to  inquire  into  the  details  and  de- 
termine as  to  the  praticability  of  the  plans  proposed  for 

relief  and  their  operating  effect.     ^^  The  people  be  d d" 

will  hereafter  be  uttered  more  cautiously,  if  at  all. 


I'HRONOCRACY  317 

"  Men  want  but  little  here  below,"  but  some  want  that 
little  ^''strong"  and  the  most  patient  and  prudent  may  yet 
conclude  that, 

"  If  it  were  done,  when  't  is  done,  then  't  were  well 
It  were  done  quickly  :     If  the  assassination 
Could  trammel  upon  the  consequence,  and  catch 
With  his  surcease,  success  ;  that  but  this  blow 
Might  be  the  be-all  and  the  end-all  here, 
But  here,  upon  this  bank  and  shoal  of  time, — 
We  'd  jump  the  life  to  come." 

It  is  not  probable  that  monopolists  will  have  "borne 
their  faculties  so  meek  "  "  that  their  virtues  will  plead 
like  angels,  trumpet-tongued,  against  the  deep  damnation 
of  their  taking-off  ";  but  rather  that  "  this  even-handed 
justice  will  commend  the  ingredients  of  their  poisoned 
chalice  to  their  own  lips." 

Why  not  then  cease  this  unremitting  strife,  seek  joy 
and  mirth,  traverse  the  earth,  or  "leap  astride  some  lazy- 
pacing  cloud  and  sail  upon  the  bosom  of  the  air  "  ? 

The  argument  has  been  advanced  that  "  cumulative 
taxation  "  would  be  abortive  of  good  results  for  the  rea- 
son that  opulent  individuals  would  demand  for  the  use 
of  their  capital  or  for  rent  of  their  estates  an  increased 
compensation  commensurate  with  their  increased  contri- 
bution to  the  government,  to  which  it  is  answered  :  The 
opulent  individual  might  demand,  but  it  is  questionable 
whether  or  not  he  could  secure  any  greater  compensation 
for  the  use  of  his  aggregated  wealth  than  could  a  less 
opulent  individual  receive.  Would  any  borrower  of 
money  pay  eight  per  cent,  to  a  man  worth  four  millions 
when  the  amount  that  he  desired  could  be  obtained  from 
a  man  worth  but  one  million  for  a  rate  not  exceeding 
six  ?     Would  any  man  pay  fifty  dollars  per  month  for  a 


3l8  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

house  that  happened  to  belong  to  a  man  who  owned  a 
hundred  houses  when  a  man  who  owned  but  ten  houses 
would  rent  him  the  same  or  its  equivalent  for  forty 
dollars  per  month  ?  If  so  the  renter  is  a  fool  and  legis- 
lation cannot  cure  his  complaint.  Certain  fixed  and 
well-defined  governmental  limitations  must  be  recognized 
and  adopted,  otherwise  there  will  be  an  endless  confusion 
and  a  chaos  of  uncertainty  and  doubt.  "  The  greatest 
individual  and  personal  liberty  consistent  with  social 
order  "  is  the  proper  maxim  for  men  who  are  guided  by 
sight — that  is,  by  penetration  and  research — rather  than 
by  sound — that  is,  by  highly  colored  but  meaningless 
and  impracticable  epigrams  and  sophisms.  It  is  also 
urged  that  "  Phronocracy  "  is  too  complicated  and  intri- 
cate for  comprehension  by  the  ordinary  intellect.  If  by 
"  ordinary  "  is  meant  the  most  depraved  class  on  the  earth 
(which  class  alone  would  be  unable  to  comprehend  the 
pronunciamento  that  signifies  that  knowledge  and  prop- 
erty alone  shall  determine  man's  right  to  participation  in 
government),  then  fortunate  is  it  that  the  system  is  too 
recondite  and  incomprehensible  ;  for  this  class  is  not 
only  not  desidered,  but  it  is  absolutely  spurned — that  is, 
looked  upon  with  loathing  and  contempt,  for  he  who  is 
so  base  as  to  be  without  the  necessary  qualification  or 
bereft  of  the  required  excellence,  when  but  for  a  meagre 
effort  he  can  obtain  both,  is  too  utterly  lowly  and  de- 
praved to  be  of  any  consequence  or  worthy  of  any  re- 
spect. Hence,  such  men  do  not  belong  with  the 
"  Phronocratic  "  class  and  would  be  ill  at  ease  in  their 
association.  There  will,  in  fact  must,  always  be  a  class 
lowly  and  degenerate,  if  not  absolutely  depraved,  because 
the  natural  forces  and  agencies  operative  upon  the  earth 
appear  to  render  it  absolutely  unavoidable.  It  is  the 
height  of  folly,  however,  to  permit  this  class  to  partici- 


PHRONOCRACY  319 

pate  in  that  of  which  they  have  but  little  genuine  com- 
prehension, and  to  which  they  are  not  fitted,  neither 
regarding  which  can  they  assume  any  responsibility 
either  in  knowledge  or  property.  Nothing  could  pos- 
sibly be  more  thoroughly  supererogatory  than  further 
effort  at  a  quasi-ratiocinative  dissertation  on  the  truth  of 
the  principle  that  reason^  knowledge,  and  property  should 
rule  this  land.  All  else  is  but  a  vision  conceived  in 
rashness,  maintained  in  error,  and  can  result  in  nothing 
— a  sounding  brass  and  a  tinkling  cymbal.  But  the  ghit 
of  wealth  must  be  entombed  on  some  dark  sepulchral 
shore,  returning  to  curse  the  world  and  enslave  its  owners, 
as  quoth  the  raven,  nevermore,  nevermore  ! 

Many  people,  of  course,  otherwise  or  by  natural  incli- 
nations favorable  to  the  principles  of  the  Phronocratic 
organization,  will  be  debarred  from  lending  active 
sympathy  and  support  thereto,  because  they  will  think 
the  success  of  the  issues  impossible.  This  is  always, 
and  reasonably,  the  fate  of  most  reforms.  Many  think- 
ing men  will  recognize  and  admit  both  the  reasonableness 
and  justice  of  the  proposition,  but  will  be  disposed  to 
say  :  "  It  is  well  if  it  could  be  brought  about,  but  it 
can't." 

There  is  always  more  difficulty  in  doing  than  in  con- 
ceiving a  thing,  more  in  execution  than  in  planning  ;  but 
that  which  is  in  accord  with  a  man's  judgment  should  not 
be  shunned  because  of  the  difficulties  at  first  apparent, 
provided  there  exists  a  reasonable  probability  of  success, 
for  by  failure  nothing  is  lost,  since  the  existing  condition 
is  maintained.  The  monstrous  and  useless  accretions  of 
individual  wealth  are  not  increased,  nor  the  iniquity  or 
folly  of  universal  suffrage  aggravated  by  an  honorable 
effort  to  eradicate  both.  Reasonable  probability  of  suc- 
cess, or  certainly  a   reasonable  groundwork  for  effort, 


320  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

does  exist.  The  white  people  of  the  South  en  masse  are 
opposed  to  universal  suffrage,  especially  as  it  applies  to 
the  negro,  in  which  opinion  many  of  the  people  of  the 
North  most  heartily  concur.  If  by  the  disfranchisement 
of  the  negro ,  and  likewise  a  proportionate  part  of  the 
degraded  population  of  the  North,  the  South  could 
retain  its  proportionate  representation  in  Congress  and 
in  the  electoral  college,  there  is  greater  cause  for  sup- 
port of  the  system  than  of  a  proposition  for  the  exclusion 
of  the  negro  alone,  and  consequent  curtailment  of  repre- 
sentation. That  something  has  to  be  done  as  to  the 
negro  is  manifest,  because  the  North  is  restive  and  the 
South  determined — the  former  that  he  shall  count  to  the 
extent  of  his  numbers,  and  the  latter  that  he  shall  not 
control  their  sections,  hence  that  he  shall  not  count 
to  the  extent  of  his  numbers.  The  rural  population  of 
all  the  States  can  see  in  the  proposition  a  plan  by  which 
the  municipalities  would  lose  more  votes  in  proportion 
to  their  population  than  would  the  country,  and  hence 
in  this  there  appears  an  enticing  allurement  to  the  latter. 
It  is  well  known  that  most  all  the  corruption  and  prosti- 
tution of  the  ballot  occurs  in  large  cities,  hence  the  con- 
servative classes  therein  will  look  with  favor  on  the  idea. 
Therefore,  there  appears  to  be  a  reasonable  proba- 
bility of  support  from  the  entire  South,  the  ruralists 
of  the  North,  and  the  conservative  middle  classes  of  all 
municipal  cencres.  This  support,  too,  is  prompted  largely 
on  the  ground  of  purifying  the  electoral  system,  to  say 
nothing  regarding  the  inestimable  benefit  and  relief  from 
oppression  that  would  result  from  the  removal  of  pro- 
hibitive and  centralizing  tariff  duties  and  restrictions 
and  the  transfer  of  the  burden  of  governmental  support 
from  the  heads  of  the  poor  on  to  shoulders  of  the 
rich.     From  these  three  sources,  coupled  with  the  simi- 


PHRONOCRACV  32 1 

larity  of  the  interests  of  the  South  with  the  younger 
States  of  the  West,  which  for  years  had  been  hostile 
because  of  tlie  absence  of  any  issue  sufficiently  forcible 
and  vital  to  overcome  the  prejudices  of  the  war,  there 
can  be  developed  a  very  respectable  following,  which 
will  need  but  to  be  properly  conserved  and  handled  to 
become  very  cogent  and  formidable. 

"  Nor  will  its  voice  as  angels'  whispers, 

Vanish  in  the  heavenly  choir, 
Nor  as  the  music  of  the  billows 

Be  lost  upon  some  distant  shore  ; 
But  rather  like  the  lute  of  Orpheus, 

Which  with  poets'  sinews  strung, 
Would  soften  stones  and  tame  the  tigress 

Whene'er  its  music  was  begun." 

In  reasoning  as  to  the  possibility  of  success,  it  is  most 
important  to  remember  that  throughout  the  entire  Union 
the  rural  population  numbers  about  one  half  the  whole, 
and  in  1S90  comprised  four  million  farm  ow tiers.  If  a 
majority  of  this  half  could  be  obtained,  it  is  evident  that 
half  the  representatives  could  be  chosen  outside  of  the 
occasional  success  of  those  seeking  election  from  munici- 
pal districts  in  which,  where  the  loafer  element  is  not 
too  strong,  there  will  be  very  reasonable  prospects. 
With  these  elements  of  support,  and  the  almost  universal 
Southern  sympathy,  it  appears  quite  reasonable  that  the 
ultimate  end  can  be  accomplished  as  outlined  in  the 
preceding  pages. 

Aside  from  the  arguments,  which  are  direct  and  un- 
mistakable, wholly  void  of  evasion  or  dissimulation, 
there  is  a  very  decided  conviction  that  the  population  of 
America  has  become  so  great  that  suffrage  must  be  cur- 
tailed or,  to  preserve  order,  peace,  property,  rights,  and 
domestic  tranquillity,  popular  government  might  have  to 
15 


322  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

be  abolished  and  an  empire  or  a  despotism  be  erected 
upon  the  ruins  of  a  system  that  respects  the  inalienable 
rights  of  men.  Prudence  must  prevail  or  all  is  chaos, 
for  a  mob  uncontrolled  wreaks  naught  save  wrath  and 
crimson  blood. 

"  Look,  as  I  blow  tliis  feather  from  my  face. 
And  as  the  air  blows  it  to  me  again, 
Obeying  with  my  wind  when  I  do  blow 
And  yielding  to  another  when  he  blows, 
Commanded  always  by  the  greatest  gust, 
Such  is  the  likeness  of  you  common  men. 

He  that  trusts  you, 
Whera  he  should  find  you  lions,  finds  you  hares  ; 
Where  foxes,  geese  ;  you  are  no  surer,  no. 
Than  is  the  coal  of  fire  upon  the  ice, 
Or  hailstones  in  the  sun.     Your  virtue  is. 
To  make  him  worthy  whose  offence  subdues  him, 
And  curse  that  justice  did  it.     Who  deserves  greatness, 
Deserves  your  hate,  and  your  affections  are 
A  sick  man's  appetite,  who  desires  most  that 
Which  would  increase  his  evil.      He  that  depends 
Upon  your  favors,  swims  with  fins  of  lead. 
And  hews  down  oaks  with  rushes.      Hang  ye  !     Trust  ye  ? 
With  every  minute  you  do  change  a  mind  ; 
And  call  him  noble,  that  was  now  your  hate, 
Him  vile  that  was  your  garland." 

And  thus  it  is  and  e'er  will  be,  if  into  the  hands  of 
wretches  is  consigned  the  ship  of  state.  The  acknowl- 
edgment of  every  man's  right  to  live  does  not  carry  with 
it  every  man's  inherent  right  of  supervision  and  control. 
The  former  is  acknowledged  and  provided  for,  when  all 
individual  effort  fails,  to  an  extent  that  will  not  mar  that 
effort ;  but  the  latter  can  and  should  only  be  secured  by 
individual  excellence.  In  the  strife  of  individuals  to 
better  their  worldly  state  each  should  remember  that 
when  his  efforts  are  successful  he  will  desire  the  same 


PHRONOCRACY  323 

uninterrupted  possession  and  peaceful  enjoyment  of  the 
fruits  of  his  labor,  his  skill,  or  his  opportunity  that  those 
who  have  already  acquired  it  are  entitled  to  receive. 

This  class  should  remember,  too,  that  compensation 
for  human  exertion,  whether  by  muscle  or  brain,  is  a 
thing  of  relative  and  comparative  significance. 

Aside  from  unearned  increment,  the  only  v.ay  one  in- 
dividual can  excel  another  is  to  profit  by  the  labor  of 
another  which  results  from  employment.  If  in  the 
beginning,  or  if  a  new  start  in  civilization  could  be 
begun  and  all  men  made  equal  in  worldly  possession,  it 
is  evident  that  in  this  civilized  state,  where  wants  are 
many  and  of  great  variety  and  diversification,  a  division 
or  classification  of  industrial  occupation  would  follow  ; 
and  it  is  likewise  evident  that  by  increased  energy,  skill, 
and  opportunity  some  men  would  excel  other  men  in  the 
same  avocations.  This  increased  excellence  would  bring 
increased  facility,  which  would  command  the  preference 
in  all  exchanges  and  markets  either  by  cheapness  or 
betterment. 

This  advantage  once  acquired  necessarily  drives  the 
less  fortunate  out  of  business  or  compels  him  to  sell  his 
labor  to  his  more  fortunate  rival.  Rather  than  pursue 
said  avocation  on  his  own  account  and  independently,  at 
a  loss  (which  loss  is  the  natural  result  of  the  increased 
facility  of  the  more  energetic  and  fortunate),  the  less  for- 
tunate prefers  (is  not  forced),  but  actually  seeks,  to  sell 
his  labor  for  a  definite  sum  to  the  man  who  possesses  the 
facilities,  or,  in  other  words,  the  accumulated  capital  in 
some  shape,  and  hence  naturally,  by  his  own  volition  and 
consent,  he  becomes  an  etnploye'  and  the  other  an  employer. 
The  latter,  in  other  words — not  by  force,  but  by  consent 
— secures  the  labor  of  the  former  at  a  rate  that  will  yield 
to  himself  a  profit,  and  hence  the  more  men  he  can  em- 


324  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

ploy  on  these  terms  the  richer  he  will  become,  and  all  by 
mutual  consent.  It  is  certainly  clear,  therefore,  that  the 
employer  is  as  much  entitled  to  his  profit  as  the  employe 
is  to  his  wages,  for  both  are  matters  of  agreement  and 
consent.  It  is  likewise  clear,  as  has  been  stated,  that  a 
universal  advance  in  wages  would  cauce  a  universal  ad- 
vance in  prices,  so  that  primarily  the  only  possible  way 
in  which  one  man  can  acquire  earthly  possessions  in 
excess  of  another  is  first  to  secure  the  usufruct  of  his  own 
labor,  then  that  of  the  labor  of  as  many  other  men  as 
possible  ;  and  to  do  this  he  must  be  possessed  primarily 
of  increased  energy,  excellence,  or  opportunity,  and  then 
conserve  and  utilize  the  results  of  same  for  the  purpose 
of  acquiring  increased  facility  ;  and  as  all  men  are  not 
equal  in  the  possession  of  these  attributes,  and  not  simi- 
larly favored  by  opportunity  or  hampered  by  adversity, 
the  acquirement  of  equal  facility  by  all  is  impossible,  by 
the  very  force  of  tiaiure  itself ,  hence  some  must  go  up  and 
others  must  go  down.  Nothing  can  be  done  that  will  not 
wrongfully  interfere  with  individual  rights,  except  to 
curb  and  prevent  unreasonable  excesses, ///■i'/  because  they 
are  unreasonable,  and  because  they  are  wholly  dispropor- 
tionate to  individual  requirements  either  as  a  reward  for 
excellence  or  as  compensation  for  cupidity  and  greed. 

Thus  it  is  that  all  schemes  and  plans  of  socialism  and 
communism  fail.  Nothing  of  the  kind  can  ever  succeed, 
and  simply  because  they  seek  to  crush  the  very  system 
which  upholds  the  very  thing  they  seek  in  crushing. 

Permit  a  man's  reward  for  excellence,  energy,  and  op- 
portunity to  be  compensated  to  an  extent  adequate  and 
sufficient,  or  all  daylight  had  as  well  be  darkness,  all 
fertile  fields  arid  plains,  all  summers  winters,  all  genial 
rays  nipping  frosts,  all  good  evil,  and  all  order  chaos  ; 
for,  else,  naught  save  death  and  damned  oblivion  would 


1'I1R()N(JCRACV  325 

be  the  tomb  of  all  mortal  bones,  indeed.  Seek  not  by 
legislation  or  force  to  make  either  men  or  the  results  of 
their  labors  equal,  for  't  would  be  as  useless  and  as 
ridiculous  as  ^ 

"  To  gild  refined  gold,  to  paint  the  lily, 
To  throw  a  perfume  on  the  violet, 
To  smooth  the  ice,  or  add  another  hue 
Unto  the  rainbow,  or  with  taper  light 
To  seek  the  beauteous  eye  of  heaven  to  garnish." 

Seek  not  to  increase  the  relative  compensation  of 
labor  either  by  prohibiting  uninterrupted  and  absolutely 
free  importation  of  labor's  products,  or  by  general  in- 
creases in  its  apparent  pay,  for  both  must  as  certainly 
bring  a  retroactive  effect  as  that  motion  follows  energy — 
both,  if  not  general,  are  discriminating  ;  and  both,  if 
general,  increase  the  price  of  commodities  more  than 
they  augment  the  pay  of  labor.  Do  not  seek  to  confis- 
cate landed  property,  not  to  tax  it  disproportionately  to 
other  property,  for  this  is  both  futile  and  unjust.  Do 
not  seek  to  give  every  man  equal  right  to  natural  oppor- 
tunity, for  the  inherent  differences  in  men's  individual 
excellence  and  force  would  still  leave  the  relative  condi- 
tion the  same.  Do  two  things  only  :  First.  Discriminate 
against  unreasonable  and  excessive  individual  fortunes  ; 
that  is,  pass  laws  that  do  not  bear  upon  all  men  alike,  yet 
.  leave  just  reward  for  them  who  are  oppressed  the  most. 

Second.  Conserve  your  own  energies  ;  that  is,  make 
the  profit  on  your  own  labor  to  the  greatest  extent  pos- 
sible, and  as  you  gain  in  possessions  you  increase  your 
facility.  Make  available  and  useful  any  opportunity, 
and,  when  so  done,  do  not  squander. 

It  may  be  said  that  this  is  impossible,  and  to  such  as 
so  think,  be  it  answered  in  defiance  of  disproof — then 
you  will  never  rise.     In  this  manner  and  in  this  alone 


326  POLITICS  AND   PROPERTY 

(that  is,  excellence  and  opportunity)  did  some  men 
originally  get  the  start  of  other  men,  and  they  are 
entitled  to  it,  to  within  reason,  by  any  and  by  all  justice 
that  the  human  mind  can  conceive.  It  may  be  said  that 
opportunity  does  not  come  to  all,  to  which  be  it  an- 
swered :  Then  that  is  your  misfortune  and  no  man  s  fault. 
Just  as,  should  you  accidentally  discover  a  mine  of  gold, 
it  would  be  ^onx  good-fortune  and  no  man's  design.  All 
men  are  not  stricken  down  by  the  lightning,  all  are  not 
born  blind  or  hopelessly  maimed  and  diseased.  Some 
are — why  ?  Ask  the  winds  to  answer.  Are  all  men  to 
suffer  equally  the  pangs  of  those  unfortunately  stricken  ? 
Certainly  not.  Are  all  men,  therefore,  to  enjoy  equally 
the  ecstasy  of  those  fortunately  blessed  ?     Certainly  not. 

Hence  necessarily,  and  by  the  very  laws  of  nature  ever 
immutable,  is  forced  upon  society  that  condition  which 
has  existed  since  the  very  earliest  dawn,  and  which  will 
exist  till  the  latest  crack  of  doom — to  wit  :  social  grada- 
tions and  inequality,  without  which  all  would  be  confu- 
sion, if,  indeed,  the  earth  and  its  accessories  being  as 
and  what  they  are,  society  could  exist  at  all. 

On  the  very  same  principle,  however,  that  society 
steps  in  and  provides  hospitals,  almshouses,  asylums, 
and  the  like  for  those  who  are  abnormally  poor  and  des- 
titute and  helpless  (which  many  will  always  be  by  the 
natural  force  of  natural  occurrences),  to  an  extent  that  will 
not  cause  their  abuse,  so  likewise  it  is  perfectly  compe- 
tent and  proper  for  society  to  step  in  and  provide 
against  those  who  are  abnormally  and  uselessly  rich 
(which  some  will  be  by  the  natural  force  of  natural  things), 
to  an  extent  that  will  not  interfere  with  their  natural 
right  to  reasonable  reward.  The  wants  and  needs  of 
any  man,  it  matters  not  in  what  sphere  he  may  desire  to 
exist,  cannot  possibly  exceed  the  income  of  four  or  five 


I'HROXOCRACV  327 

million  dollars,  and  if  they  do  he  had  better  be  compelled 
to  curtail  his  personal  expenditures  and  contribute  more 
to  the  state.  It  is  said  that  a  rich  man  pays  to  society 
his  increased  tribute  in  the  increased  cost  of  his  mainte- 
nance. Scarcely  any  man  worth  over  five  millions  can 
possibly  contribute  proportionately  in  this  manner,  even 
if  this  could  be  called  a  contribution,  which,  of  course, 
it  cannot  be,  for  rich  men  usually  expect  the  persons 
from  whom  they  buy  to  give  value  for  their  expenditures, 
which  therefore  are  available  to  society  only  to  the 
extent  of  a  profit,  just  as  are  the  purchases  of  any  other 
man.  A  two-hundred  millionaire  will  not  pay  any  more 
for  an  article  than  a  one-hundred  millionaire,  and  the 
latter  no  more  than  a  five-hundred  millionaire,  but  when 
subjected  to  the  cumulative  rate,  such  contributions  in 
exact  proportion  to  ability  are  forced.  No  one  can  deny 
that  abnormally  large  estates  do  in  many  cases  augment 
more  rapidly  by  accretion  and  gain  than  they  decrease 
by  division  among  heirs,  and  even  if  they  do  not  so 
increase,  the  simple  principle  of  placing  the  burthen  of 
society  and  government  upon  those  who  can  best  afford 
to  bear  it  is  not  only  not  unjust  to  that  class,  but  is  really 
a  debt  they  can  well  afford  to  assume,  especially  if  they 
are  still  permitted  to  enjoy  adequate,  sufficient,  yes, 
redundant,  personal  possessions. 

No  one  can  deny  that  assessments  would  be  more 
thorough  and  complete  under  the  cumulative  system,  in 
which  means  and  laws  would  be  provided  for  increased 
scrutiny,  and  where  both  the  local  and  the  federal  asses- 
sor passed  upon  the  estate,  it  would  be  more  correctly 
assessed  than  where  the  local  official  only,  as  under  the 
present  system,  had  entire  supervision  and  control. 
But  admitting  that  it  would  not  be  more  thorough  or, 
more  inconceivable  yet,  that  it  would  be  less  thorough 


328  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

than  the  present  system,  even  then  the  increasing  cumu- 
lative rate  would  necessarily  compensate  for  any  loss  in 
the  aggregate. 

The  facts  are,  as  a  matter  of  course,  that  it  would  be 
much  more  complete  than  the  present  system,  and  whilst 
not  perfect  would  be  nearly  so.  All  the  trees  and  under- 
growth in  a  dense  forest  cannot  be  easily  enumerated, 
but  accuracy  can  be  closely  approached  if  the  proper 
effort  is  put  forth,  and  so  with  the  proper  effort  under 
the  cumulative  system  would  assessments  be  far  more 
complete  and  satisfactory  than  they  have  ever  been 
before. 

Those  who  would  be  shorn  of  their  colossal  accumula- 
tions would  become  reconciled  to  the  situation  much 
more  readily  than  would  be  at  first  supposed,  and,  being 
guaranteed  increased  security,  many  would  really  enjoy 
the  relief  from  the  anxiety  and  care  of  such  vast  and 
burthensome  estates,  and  would  begin  to  realize  that 
there  are  other  things  to  live  for  save  money  ;  other 
avenues  for  the  exercise  of  intellect  than  through  the 
stock  exchanges  ;  other  means  of  deriving  pleasure  than 
by  cornering  the  market  and  forcing  some  competitor  to 
the  wall  to  die  perhaps  in  agony  and  sorrow  ;  in  a  word, 
that  greater  absolute  contentment  could  be  vouchsafed 
from  moderation  than  from  excess. 

Many  men  are  now  obliged  to  deprive  themselves  of 
much  pleasure  and  relaxation,  though  their  fortunes  are 
ample  to  warrant  both,  simply  because  of  the  absolute 
necessity  of  devoting  their  time,  their  thoughts,  and 
their  energy,  by  night  at  times  as  often  as  by  day,  to  the 
protection  and  conservation  of  their  properties,  or, 
rather,  to  be  slaves  to  the  master  mammon— a  beastly 
tyrant — a  fiend  than  which  there  is  none  more  remorse- 
less   or    cruel.     Phronocracy  counsels  moderation ;     it 


PIIRONOCRACY  329 

appeals  to  reason  and  to  understanding  ;  it  will  elevate 
human  hope  and  temper  human  passion  ;  it  will  cause 
every  thinking  man  to  cherish  one  scale  of  prudent  re- 
flection to  poise  another  of  ruinous  ambition  ;  and,  above 
all,  it  will  check  the  interference  of  government  with  the 
proper  functions  of  the  people,  leaving  localities  and 
states  to  control  their  own  domestic  affairs,  and  the 
individual  to  pursue  the  enterprises  of  the  earth  untram- 
melled by  any  federal  interference,  and  as  the  seven  bright 
pointers  of  the  Major  Bear  blaze  forth  the  brightest  of 
myriads  shining  there,  and  while  to  each  other  they  are 
motionless  and  fixed,  yet,  as  in  annual  revolution  they  do 
sweep  the  vaulted  dome  of  heaven,  first  to  the  east,  then 
south,  then  west,  though  aiming  always  to  the  north,  so 
the  Phronocratic  creed,  with  equal  certainty  and  truth, 
will  lead  all  persons  who  will  it  proclaim  to  the  only 
polar  star  of  rest  that  mortal  man  can  ever  gain. 

Strive  on,  thou  virtuous  and  ever  blessed  reformer  ; 
strive,  for  in  thy  efforts  lie  weary  mortals'  proudest 
hopes  ;  but  when  all  is  done  nothing  is  done  save  to 
check  extremes  in  life,  temper  the  severity  and  moderate 
the  effect  of  nature's  operating  forces,  the  result  of 
which,  and  nothing  more  nor  less,  are  the  things  we  see 
around  us  ;  and  neither  the  wealth  of  high  resolves,  the 
martyrdom  of  generous  sacrifices,  the  theories  of  social 
reformers,  the  deductions  of  eminent  casuists,  nor  the 
lapse  of  time,  the  progress  of  science,  the  penetration  of 
thought,  the  mutations  of  earth  and  fortune,  nor  the  ap- 
peals of  man  to  man — of  misery  to  wealth — nor  prayers 
to  all  the  gods  at  once,  will  ever  make  things  equal. 
Strive  for  this  and  you  but  seek  the  shadow  of  fancy, 
and  will  lose  the  substance  of  practicality,  stifle  energy, 
curb  or  crush  enterprise,  thwart  the  motives  of  life,  and 
war  with  nature  itself — a  foe  that  can't  be  conquered. 


330  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

Remember,  as  well  in  the  storms  of  adversity  as  in  the 
height  of  glory,  to  be  at  all  times  prudent,  temperate,  and 
reliable,  for 

"  In  the  reproof  of  chance 
Lies  the  true  proof  of  man  ;  the  sea  being  smooth. 
How  many  shallow  bauble  boats  dare  sail 
Upon  her  patient  breast,  making  their  way 
With  those  of  nobler  bulk  ? 
But  let  the  ruffian  Boreas  once  enrage 
The  gentle  Thetis,  and,  anon,  behold 
The  strong-ribbed  bark  through  liquid  mountains  cuts. 
Bounding  between  the  two  moist  elements 
Like  Perseus'  horse  :  where  's  then  the  saucy  boat, 
Whose  weak  untimbered  sides  but  even  now 
Co-rivalled  greatness  ?  either  to  harbor  fled 
Or  made  a  toast  for  Neptune.     Even  so 
Doth  valor's  show  and  valor's  worth  divide 
In  storms  of  fortune  !  " 

Let  all  men  to  themselves  and  the  world  be  true, 
remembering  that 

"  Corruption  wins  not  more  than  honesty  : 
Still  in  thy  right  hand  carry  gentle  peace. 
To  silence  envious  tongues,  be  thou  just  and  fear  not. 
Let  all  the  ends  thou  aimest  at  be  thy  country's. 
Thy  God's,  and  truth's,  then  if  thou  fallest,  O  Cromwell ! 
Thou  fallest  a  blessed  Martyr." 


PHRONOCRATIC  PRECEPTS. 

APHORISMS   AND    EPIGRAMS. 

ist.  Want  is  a  necessary  result  of  the  operating  agen- 
cies of  nature. 

2d.  Want  prompts  acquisitiveness,  and  acquisitiveness 
prompts  accumulation. 

3d.  Men  have  a  natural  right  to  possess  and  enjoy 
property. 

4th.  The  progress  of  civilization  and  the  occupancy 
by  mankind  of  lands  and  climes  differing  from  those  in 
which  the  race  most  likely  had  its  origin,  causes  both  the 
multiplication  and  diversification  of  wants. 

5th.  Trade  and  exchange  are  a  necessary  result  of 
diversified  wants,  and  from  these  result  profits  and 
losses  ;  hence  the  rich  and  the  poor. 

6th.  Excessive  individual  accumulation  is  useless  to 
the  possessor  and  hurtful  to  the  community. 

7th.  Man  has  ^  right  to  "unearned  increment"  the 
same  as  to  property  in  the  abstract. 

8th.  A  nation  gains  nothing  by  interfering  with  the 
natural  laws  of  trade  and  exchange. 

9th.  Protection  in  any  form  must  impoverish  as  much 
as  it  enriches — something  cannot  come  of  nothing. 

loth.  To  be  able  to  "  protect  "  the  classes  a  govern- 
ment must  tax  the  masses  ;  nothing  can  be  builded  up 
without  tearing  something  down. 

nth.  No  tax  should  be  levied  save  for  revenue,  and 

331 


332  POLITICS   AND    PROPERTY 

that  should  be  derived  from  a  source  least  burdensome 
to  the  people  and  most  certain  to  the  government. 

1 2th.  Governments  should  operate  no  enterprise  and 
do  nothing  whatsoever  that  can  possibly  be  done  by 
individuals. 

13th.  The  operation  of  enterprises  by  government  is 
simply  giving  to  agents  the  proper  functions  of  the 
principals. 

14th.  Individual  excellence  should  be  fully  recognized 
and  adequately  recompensed. 

15th.  The  world  should  belong  in  usufruct  to  the  peo- 
ple, but  the  vast  majority  would  fritter  away  their  allot- 
ments either  by  improvidence  or  misfortune — neither  the 
fault  of  any  man  or  men. 

i6th.  No  law  applicable  to  all  men  alike  will  alter  the 
relative  condition  or  estate  of  men. 

17th.  Schemes  for  relief  must,  to  avail  anything, 
"  oppress  the  favored  and  favor  the  oppressed." 

1 8th.  Many  enterprises  must  always  be  "monopolistic 
in  their  nature." 

19th.  Enterprises  by  nature  monopolistic  should  be,  to 
the  greatest  extent  possible,  popularly  owned. 

20th.  Taxes  should  be  borne  rather  in  the  ratio  of 
ability  than  of  property. 

2 1  St.  It  is  probable  that  a  hundred  men  own  one  dollar 
where  one  man  owns  one  hundred  dollars. 

22d.  Suffrage  should  only  be  exercised  by  men  pos- 
sessing a  certain  degree  of  excellence  and  capacity. 

23d.  Governments  are  instituted  for  and  are  supported 
by  property,  hence  those  possessing  nothing  should  not 
participate  in  government. 

24th.  Women  should  neither  vote  nor  fight. 

25th.  Genuine  ballot  reform  can  only  be  secured  by 
its  curtailment. 


PHRONOCRACV  333 

26th.  The  curtailment  of  the  ballot  is  the  only  practi- 
cable solution  of  the  race  question  in  the  South. 

27th.  Immigration  of  self-sustaining  foreigners  is  bene- 
ficial to  the  country. 

28th.  Money  simply  facilitates  trade  and  cannot  create 
or  enlarge  it.    Cheapening  the  standard  benefits  nobody. 

29th.  There  should  be  but  one  standard  of  money, 
weight,  and  measure. 

30th.  As  soon  as  possible  all  land  from  the  Isthmus  to 
the  Arctic  should  be  under  one  flag. 

31st.  A  nation  to  be  truly  independent  should  own 
land  in  all  climes. 

32d.  All  of  North  America  could  be  governed,  if 
suffrage  was  curtailed,  better  than  any  part  with  suffrage 
universal. 

33d.  Because  a  despotism  is  the  worst  it  does  not 
follow  that  excess  of  liberty  is  the  best  form  of  govern- 
ment. 

34th.  The  United  States  Government  is  a  Republic, 
not  a  Democracy,  and  should  be  a  "  Limited  Republic," 
or  a  Phronocracy. 

35th.  Excessive  individual  suffrage  is  as  useless  and 
unwise  as  excessive  individual  property  ;  hence,  both 
should  be  curtailed,  and,  if  not  both,  then  neither. 

36th.  All  schemes  of  governmental  paternalism  are 
foolish,  abortive,  and  wrong. 

37th.  All  government  should  be  as  near  the  individual 
as  possible — that  is,  Hotne  Rule  should  be  universal. 

38th.  There  should  be  greater  opportunity  for  indi- 
vidual participation  in  business  and  less  in  government. 

39th.  Special  privileges  should  be  made  general  and 
general  restraints  special. 

40th.  Phronocracy  signifies  the  rule  of  Prudence,  Con- 
servatism, and  Understanding.     There  are  about  four 


334  POLITICS   AND   PROPERTY 

million  farm  owners  and  two  million  moderately  circum- 
stanced city  residents  now  in  America.  To  these  two 
classes  especially  would  it  be  very  beneficial,  and  their 
strength,  united,  would  win.  Each  year  there  will  be 
more  millionaires  and  more  paupers,  hence  fewer  of  the 
conservative  middle  classes. 

41st.  They  are  as  sick,  that  surfeit  with  too  much,  as 
they  that  starve  with  nothing :  It  is  no  mean  happiness, 
therefore,  to  be  seated  in  the  mean  ;  superfluity  comes  sooner 
by  white  hairs,  but  competency  lives  longer." — Shakespere. 


THE    END. 


HB  '»»orthington_r 

171.7     Politics  and 
v^39p       property 


HB 

171.7 

W89p 


UCSOUTHFRNOF^'"""  ■ 


AA    000  557  602 


